2)  National  Geographic  Society 

MODERN    BETSY 


Finlay  Photographs  by  Clifton  Adams  and  Edwin  L.  vv 
ROSSES    MAKE    A    PRESIDENT'S    FLAG 


I/I  5  RARY 

OF  THL 

U  N  I  VER.5  ITY 
OF    ILLINOIS 


cr 


ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 


LINCOLN  ROOM 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
LIBRARY 


THE  BOY  LINCOLN  READING  BY  THE  LIGHT 
OF   THE   FIRE 

•(After  a  painting   by  Eastman  Johnson   made  in  1868) 


ABRAHAM 
LINCOLN 

BT 
EDITH  L.  ELIAS 

WITH   NINE  ILLUSTRATIONS 


NEW    YORK 

FREDERICK  A.  STOKES  COMPANY 

PUBLISHERS 


Copyright,  1920,  by 
FREDERICK  A.  STOKES  COMPANY 


All  rights  reserved 


Contents 


SECTION  ONE 
o/"  Inexperience 

CHAFTZK  PACE 

I.  EARLY  CHILDHOOD        .        .        .        .        .        n 
II.  LIFE  IN  INDIANA 17 


SECTION  TWO 
Years  of  Development 

III.  SCHOOLDAYS 25 

IV.  EVERYDAY  WORK 29 

V.  DOWN  THE  MISSISSIPPI 34 

SECTION  THREE 
Years  of  Self-expression  and  Experience 

VI.  BLACK  HAWK'S  REBELLION    ....  43 

VII.  AN  ELECTION  48 

VIII.  LAW  AND  POLITICS 53 

IX.  PUBLIC  SERVICE 59 

X.  THOUGHTS  ON  SLAVERY          ....  65 

SECTION  FOUR 
Years  of  Public  Recognition 

XI.  IN  CONGRESS 73 

XII.  WAR,  LAW,  AND  ELECTIONS  ....  80 

XIII.  THE  SLAVERY  QUESTION  AGAIN      ...  87 

XIV.  A  GREAT  SPEECH 93 

5 


Abraham  Lincoln 

SECTION  FIVE 
Years  of  Leadership 

CHAPTER  PACB 

XV.  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY     ....  99 

XVI.  STRIFE  IN  KANSAS 105 

XVII.  DRED  SCOTT 109 

XVIII.  JOHN  BROWN 119 

SECTION  SIX 
Years  of  Supremacy 

XIX.  AT  NEW  YORK 127 

XX.  GREAT  SCENES  IN  CHICAGO          .         .         .133 

XXI.  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES      .         .      141 

XXII.  DIFFICULT  TIMES 148 

XXIII.  CIVIL  WAR         .        .        .        .        .        .152 

XXIV.  THE  END  OF  SLAVERY         .         .         .         .159 
XXV.  RENOMINATED 166 

SECTION  SEVEN 
Triumph  and.  Death 

XXVI.  THE  FALL  OF  RICHMOND     .         .         .         .175 

XXVII.  ASSASSINATED 181 

XXVIII.  PEACE 188 

LIST  OF  PRESIDENTS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  UP 

TO  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 191 

METHOD  OF  GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES 

OF  AMERICA  . 192 


Illustrations 


PACE 


THE  BOY  LINCOLN  READING  BY  THE  LIGHT  OF  THE 
FIRE  .         .         .         .         .         .         Frontispiece 

THE  BOYHOOD  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN         ...  20 

YOUNG  LINCOLN  WORKING  OUT  SUMS  ON  A  SHOVEL        .  30 

LINCOLN  AND  THE  INDIAN 44 

SLAVES  AT  WORK  IN  THE  COTTON  FIELDS  ...  90 

JOHN  BROWN  GOING  TO  EXECUTION   ....  122 

PRESIDENT  LINCOLN  AND  GENERAL  GRANT  INSPECTING  A 

BODY  OF  PRISONERS 156 

THE  ASSAULT  ON  THE  BATTERIES  OF  VICKSBURG         i  164 

THE  SURRENDER  :  GENERAL  GRANT  AND  GENERAL  LEE 

AT  APPOMATTOX 176 


0  Captain  I  my  Captain  I  our  fearful  trip  is  done, 
The  ship  has  weather'd  entry  rack,  the  prize  we  sought  is 

won, 

The  port  is  near,  the  bells  I  hear,  the  people  all  exulting, 
While  follow  eyes  the  steady  keel,  the  vessel  grim  and 
daring  ; 

But  0  heart  I  heart!  heart! 
0  the  bleeding  drops  of  red, 

Where  on  the  deck  my  Captain  lies, 
Fallen  cold  and  dead. 

0  Captain  /  my  Captain  !  rise  up  and  hear  the  bells  ; 
Rise  up — for  you  the  flag  is  flung — for  you  the  bugle  trills, 
For  you  bouquets  and  ribbon'd  wreaths — for  you  the  shores 

a-croieding, 

For  you  they  call,  the  swaying  mass,  their  eager  faces 
turning  ; 

Here  Captain  !  dear  father  ! 
This  arm  beneath  your  head  ! 
It  is  some  dream  that  on  the  deck 
You've  fallen  cold  and  dead. 

My  Captain  does  not  answer,  his  lips  are  pale  and  still, 
My  father  does  not  feel  my  arm,  he  has  no  pulse  nor  will, 
The  ship  is  anchored  safe  and  sound,  its  voyage  closed  and 

done, 

From  fearful  trip  the  victor  ship  comes  in  with  object  won  ; 
Exult,  0  shores  I  and  ring,  0  bells  I 
But  I  with  mournful  tread, 
Walk  the  deck  my  Captain  lies, 
Fallen  cold  and  dead. 

WALT  WHITMAN 


SECTION  I 

Years  of  Inexperience 

1809-1822 

(FROM  BIRTH  TO  THIRTEEN) 

Let  reverence  for  the  laws  be  breathed  by  every  American 
mother  to  the  lisping  babe  that  prattles  on  her  lap.  Let  it  be 
taught  in  schools,  in  seminaries,  and  in  colleges.  Let  it  be 
written  in  primers,  spelling  books,  and  in  almanacs.  Let  it 
be  preached  from  the  pulpit,  proclaimed  in  legislative  halls, 
and  enforced  in  courts  of  justice.  And,  in  short,  let  it  become 
the  political  religion  of  the  nation. 

Extract  from  Lincoln's  address  before 
the  Young  Men's  Lyceum,  Springfield,  1837 


NOTE. — The  extracts  from  Lincoln's  speeches  throughout  this 
book  are  given  by  kind  permission  of  the  Century  Company, 
New  York. 


CHAPTER  I:  Early  Childhood 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  is  one  of  the  greatest 
names  in  the  world.  The  parents  who  gave 
it  to  their  boy  were  so  poor  that  they  lived 
in  a  house  where  there  was  only  one  room.  But  it 
matters  very  little  whether  houses  are  big  or  small. 
It  is  the  men  and  women  living  there  who  make 
them  either  noble  or  mean.  And  thus,  though 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  born  in  a  tiny,  one-roomed 
cottage,  through  his  uprightness,  his  hard  work,  and 
his  natural  cleverness  he  not  only  became  President 
of  the  United  States,  but,  what  is  more,  he  left  in 
the  world  such  an  impression  of  nobility  that  as  long 
as  the  world  shall  last  he  will  be  remembered  and 
honoured. 

It  was  a  cold,  dark  day  in  February  1809  when 
Lincoln  was  born  in  a  lonely,  desolate  spot  in  the 
backwoods  of  Kentucky.  The  little  wooden  house 
was  not  much  better  than  a  shed.  The  one  room  in 
it  had  to  be  used  as  a  kitchen,  dining-room,  sitting- 
room,  and  bedroom,  all  in  one.  There  was  no  door 
to  keep  out  the  cold  draughts,  but  a  large  skin  hung 
over  the  entrance  and  helped  to  make  it  warm,  and 
a  pile  of  huge  logs  crackled  and  glowed  in  the  big, 
open  fireplace.  The  window  was  only  a  square  hole 
cut  in  the  side  of  the  wooden  wall,  through  which 
the  bitter  wind  rushed  whistling  in.  On  very  cold 
days  the  skin  of  an  animal  shot  in  the  woods  near  by 
would  be  fastened  across  this  opening  to  shut  out 
the  freezing  air,  but  this  meant  that  the  light  would 
.  be  shut  out  too,  so  that  it  was  only  on  the  coldest 
days  that  the  window  was  darkened. 

ii 


Abraham  Lincoln 

All  these  inconveniences  made  the  hut  a  very  un- 
comfortable place  to  live  in,  but  the  baby  boy,  kept 
warm  in  his  mother's  arms,  did  not  think  it  cold  or 
disagreeable.  It  seemed  to  him  a  wonderful  place — 
the  most  wonderful  place  in  the  world,  because  it 
was  home.  He  loved  to  look  at  the  hissing,  leaping 
fire ;  to  hear  the  wind  blowing  in  through  the  roof 
and  window,  or  under  the  door ;  to  see  his  father 
come  in  with  his  gun  ;  or  to  watch  his  mother  cooking 
in  the  big  pot  over  the  fire  the  wild  animal  which  his 
father  had  shot  in  the  woods.  He  did  not  notice 
how  poor  the  bed  was ;  how  few  the  pots  and  pans  ; 
how  hard  and  bare  the  furniture.  His  tender  mother 
cared  for  all  his  needs ;  his  lively,  happy-go-lucky 
father  brought  in  plenty  of  food  for  their  simple 
meals,  and  his  sister  Sarah,  some  two  years  older 
than  himself,  was  always  ready  to  play  with  him. 
So  Abraham  Lincoln  was  as  happy  as  any  other  little 
boy  in  the  world,  and  the  days  ran  by  very  quickly 
in  the  little  wooden  house  in  Kentucky. 

Thomas  Lincoln,  who  was  Abraham  Lincoln's 
father,  had  lived  in  Kentucky  all  his  life.  He  could 
remember  the  days  when  very  few  white  men  had 
lived  there ;  when  it  had  been  a  wild,  uncultivated 
stretch  of  land,  which  the  Red  Indians  used  as  a 
happy  hunting-ground. 

The  States  at  this  time  were  only  thirteen  in  number, 
and  all  of  them  lay  on  the  east  side  of  America,  be- 
tween the  coast-line  and  the  great  river  Mississippi. 
All  the  land  west  of  the  Mississippi  was  uncultivated 
and  only  vaguely  known,  except  to  the  Red  Indians, 
who  had  hunted  in  it  for  so  long  that  they  had  grown 
accustomed  to  think  it  belonged  to  themselves.  And 

12 


Early  Childhood 

so  when  the  first  Americans  began  to  cross  into  these 
wild,  lonely  places,  to  stake  out  land,  and  to  build 
wooden  houses,  the  red  men  were  furiously  angry, 
and  often  made  raids  upon  the  new-comers  or  lay 
in  wait  to  kill  them.  Abraham  Lincoln's  own  grand- 
father, who  came  to  Kentucky  in  1780,  was  killed 
by  one  of  these  cunning  foes,  and  Thomas  Lincoln, 
his  father,  who  was  then  a  little  boy,  would  have  been 
kidnapped  and  carried  off  if  his  bigger  brother, 
Mordecai,  had  not  shot  the  Red  Indian  dead. 

In  time  more  settlers  began  to  make  their  homes 
in  Kentucky.  At  first  only  the  bravest  came,  for 
there  were  many  hardships  to  be  endured,  but  gradu- 
ally others  heard  of  the  new  settlements,  and  followed 
in  the  track  of  the  pioneers.  The  Red  Indians  were 
thus  forced  farther  and  farther  back ;  but  though 
they  were  seen  less  often  they  were  still  a  danger, 
and  every  settler  kept  his  gun  ready,  not  only  to  kill 
the  wild  animals  and  birds  which  he  needed  for  food, 
but,  if  necessary,  to  defend  his  wife  and  children  from 
sudden  attack. 

In  1803  a  very  important  change  took  place.  Up 
till  then  the  great  tract  of  land  lying  between  the 
Mississippi  and  the  Rocky  Mountains  was  owned  by 
France.  But  in  1803 — or  six  years  before  Abraham 
Lincoln  was  born — Thomas  Jefferson,  the  third 
President  of  the  United  States,  bought  the  whole 
of  this  stretch  of  country  for  the  American  Govern- 
ment. By  doing  this  he  caused  the  trade  of  the 
country  to  increase  enormously.  There  were  no 
railways  in  those  days,  and,  except  in  the  towns, 
the  roads  were  often  only  rough  cattle-tracks,  so 
that  it  was  both  long  and  expensive  to  send  goods 

13 


Abraham  Lincoln 

from  one  place  to  another.  The  cheapest  and  quickest 
way  of  carrying  them  was  by  boat,  and  when 
President  Jefferson  secured  the  land  west  of  the 
Mississippi  for  America  the  river  at  once  became  the 
highway  for  trade.  Up  and  down  its  splendid  waters 
hundreds  of  boats  passed  daily ;  new  towns  sprang 
up  on  its  banks ;  and  rich  merchants  sent  large 
cargoes  down  the  river  to  the  city  of  New  Orleans, 
whence  they  were  shipped  to  countries  abroad. 

Kentucky  had  already  grown  to  such  a  size  that 
some  years  earlier  she  had  been  admitted  to  the 
Union  as  a  separate  State,  and  so  when  little  Abraham 
Lincoln  was  growing  into  boyhood  he  found  himself 
living  in  a  part  of  America  which  was  rapidly  becoming 
important.  But  for  a  long  time  he  knew  nothing 
of  all  these  things.  He  lived  in  the  backwoods,  far 
away  from  any  town,  with  only  a  few  neighbours 
near.  These  people,  like  his  parents,  lived  in  com- 
fortless huts,  and  were  too  busy  killing  wild  animals 
for  food,  or  making  their  skins  into  rough-and-ready 
clothing,  to  have  time  to  think  about  what  was 
happening  in  the  more  thickly  populated  parts  of 
their  State. 

Lincoln's  father  was  a  restless,  easy-going  man, 
with  some  skill  as  a  carpenter  and  a  splendid  shot. 
He  had  lived  in  the  backwoods  all  his  life,  and  he  was 
never  so  happy  as  when  he  was  out  in  the  forest  with 
a  gun  in  his  hand.  The  ordinary,  quiet  round  of 
life  was  very  irksome  to  him,  and  though  he  was  a 
fairly  good  carpenter  and  builder,  he  would  often 
throw  down  his  task  before  it  was  done  to  catch  up 
his  gun  and  go  off  whistling  into  the  woods.  He 
seldom  could  stay  long  in  one  place,  and  so  it  happened 

14 


Early  Childhood 

that  when  Abraham  was  only  four  years  old  the 
family  left  the  little  wooden  hut  which  had  so  far 
been  their  home,  and  settled  in  a  new  spot,  close  to 
a  stream,  known  as  Knob  Creek.  The  house  was 
not  much  better  than  the  one-roomed  hut  they 
had  left  behind  them,  but  to  the  children  everything 
was  new  and  delightful,  and  they  enjoyed  the  slow, 
troublesome  journey  which  took  them  from  one  home 
to  the  other. 

Abraham  was  a  fine,  sturdy  little  boy,  tall  for  his 
age,  and  very  strong.  He  loved  listening  to  stories, 
and  when  the  day's  work  was  over  the  mother  would 
gather  her  two  children  to  her  and  keep  them  happy 
with  her  tales.  She  knew  how  to  read  and  write,  and 
she  found  time  to  teach  Abraham  his  letters.  There 
was  no  school  in  that  lonely  neighbourhood,  but  now 
and  again  a  wandering  schoolmaster  would  come  into 
the  place,  settle  there  for  a  few  weeks  or  a  few  months, 
and  then  go  off  again  on  his  travels. 

It  was  therefore  not  easy  for  the  children  who  lived 
in  these  out-of-the-way  clearings  to  get  any  proper 
education.  Most  of  their  parents  did  not  mind  about 
this.  They  thought  it  was  enough  if  the  boys  knew 
how  to  chop  wood  and  shoot,  or  help  to  build  a  cabin, 
and  if  the  girls  could  cook  and  keep  a  house  tidy. 
But  Abraham's  mother  was  different.  She  had  been 
brought  up  gently  herself,  and  she  wanted  very  much 
to  see  her  children  educated.  She  was  therefore 
full  of  delight  when  she  found  that  a  schoolmaster 
was  coming  for  a  time  to  Knob  Creek.  He  would 
not  be  there  for  long — a  month  or  two,  or  perhaps 
even  less — and  so,  although  Abraham  was  but  five 
years  old,  he  was  sent  at  once  to  the  little  school, 

15 


Abraham  Lincoln 

made  up  of  a  handful  of  children  of  all  ages,  gathered 
in  from  the  homes  which  were  in  the  neighbourhood. 
The  schoolmaster  did  not  teach  the  children  very 
much ;  he  knew  very  little  himself,  and  the  chief 
lesson  was  spelling.  To  his  great  delight  Abraham 
Lincoln  usually  found  himself  at  the  top  of  the  class. 
He  was  younger  than  most  of  the  other  children, 
but  they  had  not  been  taught  by  their  mothers,  and 
so  he  easily  outstripped  them.  He  loved  his  lessons. 
The  longer  the  row  of  spelling  to  be  learnt  by  heart 
the  better  he  liked  it,  and  the  harder  the  words  the 
more  pleasure  he  found  in  mastering  them.  Although 
he  was  young,  he  was  a  big,  strong  boy,  very  fearless, 
very  straightforward,  and  never  rough  to  those  who 
were  smaller  or  weaker  than  himself. 

The  first  schoolmaster,  Zachariah  Riney,  very  soon 
got  tired  of  his  life  at  Knob  Creek,  and  off  he  went 
to  some  new  place.  The  little  school  was  broken  up, 
till  a  few  months  later,  when  it  was  opened  by  a 
second  wandering  schoolmaster,  named  Caleb  Hazel, 
and  again  the  children  met  for  spelling  lessons.  But 
in  a  few  weeks  the  new  schoolmaster  was  tired  of 
teaching ;  the  school  closed,  and  once  more  the  children 
went  back  to  their  games  and  tasks  at  home.  After 
that  there  was  no  school  for  a  long  time.  Many  of 
the  children,  no  doubt,  quickly  forgot  what  little 
they  had  been  taught.  But  it  was  not  so  with 
Abraham  Lincoln.  All  he  had  learnt  was  firmly 
fixed  in  his  head,  and  still  firmer  was  the  resolve  to 
go  on  farther  and  learn  more. 


16 


CHAPTER  II  :  Life  in  Indiana 

THE  Lincoln  family  had  been  barely  three 
years  in  the  little  farm  at  Knob  Creek  when 
Abraham's  father  began  to  plan  out  another 
move.  He  had  never  been  quite  sure  of  the  title- 
deeds  of  the  Knob  Creek  home.  More  than  once 
other  men  had  appeared  asking  to  see  his  claim  and 
saying  they  had  a  better  right  to  the  land.  Thomas 
Lincoln  was  too  easy-going  a  man  to  worry  his  head 
over  difficulties,  and  the  best  way  out  seemed  to  lie 
in  removing  to  another  home.  There  was  nothing 
he  liked  better  than  to  explore  new  country,  and 
when  a  friend  told  him  that  across  the  Ohio,  in 
Indiana,  there  were  large  tracts  of  land,  easy  to  culti- 
vate and  unclaimed  by  anybody,  he  decided  to  go 
there  and  see  what  it  was  like. 

With  much  heartiness  he  set  to  work  and  made  a 
small  but  substantial  flat  boat.  On  this  he  put  his 
tools  and  some  barrels  of  whisky.  Then,  feeling  like 
a  Robinson  Crusoe,  he  set  off  alone  but  in  high  spirits 
down  the  waters  of  the  stream  known  as  Rolling  Fork, 
which  flowed  about  a  mile  from  his  home.  Before 
he  got  to  the  end  of  his  journey  disaster  fell  upon 
him.  His  boat  caught  in  the  rapids  and  turned 
over,  but  luckily  he  not  only  escaped  drowning,  but 
he  was  able  to  rescue  nearly  all  his  cargo.  Nothing 
daunted  by  his  mishap,  Thomas  Lincoln  went  ashore 
and  began  to  look  round  for  a  man  who  would  buy  his 
barrels  of  whisky  and  tell  him  where  the  best  land  lay. 
He  soon  found  a  customer  for  his  liquor,  and  in 
reply  to  his  other  question  he  was  advised  to  walk 
some  miles  farther  north,  where  he  would  find  all  that 
B  17 


Abraham  Lincoln 

he  wanted.  He  took  the  advice,  plunged  into  the  forest, 
and  presently  found  what  his  friend  had  said  was  true. 

The  land  was  fertile  and  well  watered,  but  quite 
uncultivated.  Dense  thickets  hindered  his  path, 
but  in  among  the  bushes  were  plenty  of  wild  turkeys 
and  other  game,  and  to  a  woodsman  who  owned  a 
gun,  an  axe,  and  a  strong  right  arm  there  would  be 
nothing  difficult  in  clearing  a  space  on  which  to  build 
a  log  cabin,  or  in  shooting  enough  game  on  which 
lo  live.  After  walking  a  few  miles  Thomas  Lincoln 
came  to  a  pleasant  spot  on  a  bend  of  the  river  known 
as  Pigeon  Creek,  which  showed  signs  of  being  in- 
habited. He  quickly  decided  that  this  was  the  place 
for  him,  and  he  drove  a  stake  into  the  ground  to  show 
he  had  made  his  claim,  and  then  hurried  off  to  the 
Government  office  to  buy  as  much  of  the  land  as  the 
money  in  his  pocket  would  secure. 

It  was  a  long  way  to  the  office — seventy  miles  or 
more — and  it  was  a  good  many  days  before  he  arrived 
there,  hot,  dusty,  and  very  tired  after  his  laborious 
tramp  over  rough  cart-tracks,  or  through  woods  where 
there  was  no  path  at  all  to  be  seen. 

He  registered  his  name  and  paid  part  of  the  money 
for  the  land.  Then  he  turned  back  and  trudged  on 
foot  to  his  home  at  Knob  Creek,  where  he  told  his 
wife  and  children  he  had  found  a  new  home  for  them. 
Abraham  and  Sarah  were  delighted  at  the  idea  of 
packing  up  and  travelling  through  the  woods  for 
some  days,  but  their  mother  felt  it  would  be  a  long 
and  tedious  journey.  True,  the  distance  in  a  straight 
line  was  only  fifty  miles,  but  the  cart-tracks  they 
would  have  to  follow  twisted  and  turned  and  went  up 
and  down,  till  the  fifty  miles  were  nearly  doubled. 

18 


Life  in  Indiana 

It  was  thus  a  good  many  days  before  the  journey 
was  ended,  and  Thomas  Lincoln  and  his  wife  and 
children  stood  on  the  land  which  was  now  their  own. 
The  daily  picnics  by  the  way,  and  the  nights  passed 
under  the  shelter  of  trees,  had  been  a  great  delight  to 
the  children,  and  when  they  arrived  they  were  not 
at  all  dismayed  to  find  no  hut  awaiting  them.  But 
even  the  happy-go-lucky  father  knew  that  a  dwelling 
of  some  kind  was  necessary,  and  he  quickly  set  to 
work  to  build  a  rough  shelter  they  might  call  home. 
A  few  poles  were  driven  into  the  ground,  and  the  walls 
were  then  covered  over  with  bark  and  leaves.  The 
roof  was  made  in  the  same  way,  and  when  this  was 
done  the  shelter  was  ready.  There  was  no  door  to 
it,  for  the  whole  of  the  fourth  side  was  left  open,  and 
near  this  space  a  large  fire  was  kept  burning  day  and 
night,  in  order  to  keep  the  children  and  their  parents 
from  freezing  as  they  slept.  In  this  comfortless  shed 
the  Lincoln  family  lived  for  the  greater  part  of  a 
year.  They  arrived  in  November,  and  winter  was 
upon  them  before  much  had  been  done.  But  winter 
had  changed  into  spring,  and  summer  days  were  at 
hand  before  Thomas  Lincoln  began  to  build  the  fine 
wooden  house  he  had  promised  his  wife  should  be 
hers.  By  September  it  was  more  than  half  done, 
and  though  there  was  a  good  deal  of  finishing  work 
needed,  the  family  very  gladly  began  living  in  it. 
Though  Abraham  was  only  a  little  boy,  he  had  helped 
his  father  to  cut  the  logs,  and  when  the  household 
moved  into  it  he  felt  very  proud  to  think  that  he 
had  had  a  share  in  the  building.  This  early  training 
with  an  axe  made  him  strong  and  very  skilful,  and 
by  the  time  he  became  a  man  he  was  six  feet  four 

19 


Abraham  Lincoln 

inches  in  height  and  had  a  longer  and  a  stronger  arm 
than  any  of  his  friends.  '  Honest  Abe '  he  was 
often  called,  because  he  worked  with  all  his  might 
and  dealt  fairly  with  every  one.  If  he  had  been 
asked  what  had  helped  him  to  win  the  name  he  would 
have  said  he  had  grown  strong  through  his  hard  work 
in  the  open  air  as  a  boy,  and  that  any  good  quality  in 
him  was  the  result  of  the  influence  of  his  tender,  loving 
mother,  who  taught  him  to  reverence  all  that  is  noble. 

Not  long  after  the  wooden  house  was  built  a  great 
sorrow  fell  upon  the  little  home.  Mrs  Lincoln  had  never 
been  strong,  and  when  a  new,  mysterious  disease  broke 
out  among  the  little  cluster  of  settlers  she  fell  ill  with 
it  and  died  in  the  autumn  of  1818. 

Her  husband  and  children  missed  her  terribly. 
There  was  now  no  one  to  cook  their  meals  and  keep 
the  home  comfortable  ;  no  one  to  sew  their  clothes  ; 
no  one  to  look  after  them  when  they  were  ill  or 
unhappy ;  no  one  to  love  them  as  she  had  loved 
them,  to  listen  to  all  they  had  to  say,  and  to  kiss  away 
their  troubles.  Very,  very  sad  were  the  days  after 
the  gentle  little  mother  left  them  for  ever. 

Through  the  whole  of  that  long,  unhappy  winter 
little  Sarah,  who  was  only  eleven  years  old,  did  her 
best  to  keep  the  home  tidy.  But  it  was  hard  work 
for  her  childish  hands,  and  though  she  knew  how  to 
cook  their  simple  meals,  she  could  not  make  their 
clothes,  and  Abraham,  who  was  growing  fast,  soon 
found  his  deerskin  trousers  were  getting  much  too 
short.  This,  however,  did  not  trouble  him,  and  he 
seldom  thought  about  his  appearance  except  when 
the  cold  wind  stung  his  bare  legs.  He  grieved  every 
day  over  the  loss  of  his  mother,  and,  boy  though  he 

20 


Life  in  Indiana 

was,  he  felt  the  only  honour  he  could  show  her  memory 
would  be  to  get  a  travelling  preacher  to  come  and 
preach  a  sermon  over  her  grave.  In  that  desolate 
neighbourhood  there  was  no  church  or  chapel,  but 
occasionally  a  travelling  preacher  would  pass  through 
the  district,  and  all  the  people  near  would  come 
together  to  hear  him.  Abraham  knew  one  of  these 
preachers  who  had  been  in  the  neighbourhood  before, 
and  with  much  effort  he  wrote  him  a  letter  and  told 
him  what  he  wanted.  The  letter  had  to  be  handed 
on  from  one  to  another  till  it  reached  its  proper  place, 
but  in  time  it  got  to  the  minister,  and  little  Abraham 
was  intensely  proud  and  very  happy  when  one  day 
the  preacher  rode  into  the  settlement  and  preached 
a  sermon  beside  Mrs  Lincoln's  grave.  Few  boys  of 
nine  who  had  lived  all  their  lives  in  a  lonely,  unknown 
spot  would  have  had  the  courage  or  the  ingenuity  to 
carry  out  Abraham's  plan.  But  already  Lincoln  was 
beginning  to  show  signs  of  the  splendid  determination 
and  resourcefulness  which  later  in  his  life  were  to 
place  him  in  the  President's  chair. 

In  the  autumn  of  the  year  when  the  preacher  came 
to  visit  them  Abraham's  father  took  his  gun  and  told 
the  children  he  was  going  away.  He  kissed  them 
both  and  told  Sarah  to  look  after  the  house  till  his 
return,  and  then,  waving  them  good-bye,  he  set  off. 
Some  time  before  this  some  of  Lincoln's  relations 
had  come  to  live  near  them,  and  one  of  them,  a  boy 
named  Dennis  Hanks,  now  lived  with  the  Lincoln 
family.  Thus  there  were  three  children  left  in  the 
home  by  Pigeon  Creek  when  Thomas  Lincoln  went 
off  into  the  woods.  Two  or  three  weeks  went  by  and 
still  the  father  did  not  return.  Was  he  lost,  or  had 

21 


Abraham  Lincoln 

he  gone  away  for  ever  ?  The  children  did  not  know. 
But  they  lived  contentedly  in  their  home,  and  though 
Abraham  was  too  tender-hearted  to  kill  wild  animals, 
Dennis  Hanks  was  a  good  shot  with  a  gun,  and  he 
brought  in  plenty  of  game  for  Sarah  to  cook. 

In  this  lonely,  desolate  fashion  the  autumn  went 
by,  till  one  day  early  in  December,  when  the  children 
suddenly  saw  their  father  coming  back.  He  was  not 
coming  alone,  but  in  a  large  wagon  in  which  sat  a 
woman  and  three  children.  Behind  them  was  piled 
up  a  quantity  of  furniture,  finer  than  anything  Sarah 
or  Abraham  had  ever  seen.  What  could  it  all  mean  ? 
Silently  they  waited  for  the  wagon  to  draw  up. 
Their  father  jumped  down  and  kissed  them,  saying  : 

"  Children,  I  have  brought  you  a  new  mother  and 
a  brother  and  two  sisters."  There  was  a  general 
commotion  while  every  one  got  out  of  the  cart,  and 
then  Abraham  and  Sarah  found  themselves  being 
kissed  by  a  woman  whom  they  felt  sure  they  would 
love  very  much.  She  had  a  bright,  happy  face  and 
seemed  to  make  every  one  round  her  feel  cheerful. 
Already  the  home  seemed  less  desolate,  and,  in  spite 
of  the  great  change  in  their  life,  Abraham  and  Sarah 
felt  happier  than  they  had  done  for  many  months. 

The  new  mother  was  a  strong  and  capable  woman. 
Her  good  furniture  made  the  house  look  very  com- 
fortable, and  she  soon  persuaded  her  husband  to  do 
all  the  finishing  off  which  the  walls  and  roof  still 
needed.  Before  long  everything  was  in  its  place,  and 
the  Lincolns'  hut  was  admired  far  and  wide  as  the 
handsomest  cabin  in  the  settlement.  Better  than 
this,  Sarah  and  Abraham  felt  it  was  really  home. 


22 


SECTION  II 
Years  of  Development 

1822-1832 

(FROM  THIRTEEN  TO  TWENTY-THREE) 

Upon  the  subject  of  education,  not  presuming  to  dictate 
any  plan  or  system  respecting  it,  I  can  only  say  that  I  view  it 
as  the  most  important  subject  which  we,  as  a  people,  can  be 
engaged  in.  That  every  man  may  receive  at  least  a  moderate 
education,  and  thereby  be  enabled  to  read  the  histories  of  his 
own  and  other  countries,  by  which  he  may  duly  appreciate 
the  value  of  our  free  institutions,  appears  to  be  an  object  of 
vital  importance,  even  on  this  account  alone,  to  say  nothing 
of  the  advantages  and  satisfaction  to  be  derived  from  all  being 
able  to  read  the  Scriptures  and  other  works,  both  of  a  religious 
and  moral  nature,  for  themselves. 

For  my  part  I  desire  to  see  the  time  when  education — and 
by  its  means  morality,  sobriety,  enterprise,  and  industry — 
shall  become  much  more  general  than  at  present ;  and  should 
be  gratified  to  have  it  in  my  power  to  contribute  something 
to  the  advancement  of  any  measure  which  might  have  a 
tendency  to  accelerate  that  happy  period. 

Extract  from  Lincoln's  first  public  speech,  in  which  he 
addressed  the  people  oj  Sangamon  County,  1832 


CHAPTER  III:  Schooldays 

LINCOLN'S  new  mother  was  not  only  a  sensible 
woman,  who  made  the  home  happy  and  com- 
fortable for  every  one,  but  she  was  clever 
enough  to  realize  the  importance  of  a  good  education, 
and  when  she  discovered  that  Abraham  was  fond  of 
books  she  made  up  her  mind  to  help  him  as  much 
as  she  could.  Sometimes  when  the  other  boys  were 
playing  games  Abraham  would  sit  with  one  of  the 
few  treasured  books  of  the  household  in  his  hand, 
lost  in  the  interest  of  what  he  was  reading  ;  but 
another  day  he  would  be  the  noisiest  among  them  all, 
and  though  his  companions  might  tease  him  because 
of  his  fondness  for  books,  they  knew  quite  well  that 
if  it  came  to  a  race  or  a  rough-and-tumble  fight 
'  Abe  '  could  beat  any  of  them.  He  was  fast  grow- 
ing into  the  size  of  a  man,  and  with  his  long,  lean, 
powerful  arms  he  could  hit  harder  than  any  other 
boy  in  the  neighbourhood ;  they  forgave  him  for 
outdoing  them  in  the  schoolroom  because  he  also 
outdid  them  in  the  field.  There  was  one  sport  only 
in  which  he  did  not  shine,  and  that  was  the  killing  of 
wild  animals.  Though  he  had  early  been  taught  how 
to  use  a  gun,  he  could  not  bear  taking  life  from  any 
creature,  and  his  shooting  never  went  farther  than  a 
solitary  turkey,  which  he  one  day  killed  in  a  moment 
of  excitement.  The  tender-heartedness  which  later 
in  life  made  him  take  the  side  of  the  defenceless 
slave,  or  protect  from  punishment  the  soldier  who  had 
turned  tail  in  battle,  or  pardon  the  man  who  had 
thoughtlessly  committed  a  crime,  was  already  to  be 
seen  in  the  boy,  who,  perfectly  strong  in  body  and 

25 


Abraham  Lincoln 

brimming  over  with  energy,  could  not  bring  himself 
to  trap  a  squirrel,  or  change  a  happy,  flying  bird  into 
a  little  blood-stained  heap  of  feathers.  Years  after, 
when  he  was  President  of  the  United  States,  and  a 
young  soldier  had  been  sentenced  to  death  for  desert- 
ing his  post,  Lincoln  took  the  death-warrant,  saying  : 
"  I  will  put  it  in  my  pigeon-hole  for  '  leg  cases.' 
There  are,"  he  went  on,  "  cases  you  call  by 
that  long  title,  Cowardice-in-the-face-of-the-enemy, 
but  I  call  them,  for  short,  my  leg  cases.  If 
Almighty  God  has  given  a  man  a  pair  of  cowardly 
legs,  how  can  he  help  running  away  with  them  ?  " 
The  humour,  the  tenderness,  and  the  decisiveness 
which  underlie  this  remark  all  had  their  beginning 
in  the  early  days  in  the  backwoods,  where  a 
long-legged,  long-armed,  warm-hearted  boy  was 
unconsciously  building  up  a  character  that  would 
some  day  make  him  respected  as  a  man  of  the  highest 
nobility. 

The  kindness  of  his  new  mother  made  life  very 
happy  for  Lincoln,  and  it  was  largely  through  her 
energy  that  he  was  sent  with  the  rest  of  the  children 
to  a  school  which  was  opened  in  the  settlement  in 
1822.  Abraham  was  thirteen  at  the  time,  and  very 
eager  to  learn.  He  would  willingly  have  walked 
many  miles  to  get  any  kind  of  instruction,  and  the 
news  that  a  schoolmaster  was  actually  going  to  live 
near  his  home  seemed  too  good  to  be  true.  The 
lessons  did  not  go  very  far — reading,  writing,  spelling, 
and  a  few  easy  sums,  that  was  the  most  the  teacher 
could  teach  his  pupils.  Abraham  could  easily  out- 
spell  the  rest,  and  he  was  soon  at  the  top  of  the  school. 
At  the  same  time  he  was  just  as  much  of  a  boy  as  the 

26 


Schooldays 

others,  and  a  book  of  his,  still  preserved,  in  which 
he  had  scrawled  triumphantly, 

Abraham  Lincoln, 
His  hand  and  pen, 
He  will  be  good, 
But  God  knows  when, 

proves  that  he  was  not  above  enjoying  himself  after 
the  fashion  dear  to  school-children  all  the  world 
over. 

The  school  was  not  a  great  success,  and  no  one 
except  the  Lincolns  had  any  enthusiasm  for  it.  By 
and  by  the  master  himself  got  weary,  and  the  little 
wooden  schoolhouse  was  shut  up.  It  had  been 
built  with  great  pride  by  the  fathers  of  the  children 
who  were  sent  there,  and  though  it  had  no  boards  for 
a  floor,  no  glass  in  its  windows,  and  a  roof  through 
which  the  rain  very  often  soaked,  in  Lincoln's  eyes  it 
was  a  true  temple  of  learning. 

After  a  holiday  of  two  years  the  school  was  re- 
opened by  a  new  master.  Lincoln  was  again  one  of 
the  pupils,  but  to  his  disappointment  the  new  master 
grew  tired  of  his  business  even  sooner  than  the  other 
had  done,  and  once  more  the  door  of  the  schoolhouse 
was  bolted.  This  was  practically  the  end  of  the 
school  education  Lincoln  ever  got,  and  when  he  was 
President  he  was  more  than  once  heard  to  remark 
that  if  all  his  schooldays  were  added  together  they 
would  not  come  to  a  twelvemonth. 

But  though  he  got  little  help  from  others,  Lincoln 
was  all  the  time  his  own  teacher,  and  he  taught  him- 
self much  more  severely  than  any  one  else  would  have 
done.  Once  he  had  taken  a  book  in  his  hand  he  was 
never  content  till  he  had  plucked  the  heart  out  of  it. 

27 


Abraham  Lincoln 

To  half  know  a  thing  was  not  enough  for  him.  He 
did  not  rest  till  he  had  mastered  it  thoroughly.  As 
he  grew  older  he  taught  himself  law,  surveying,  and 
a  dozen  other  difficult  things.  The  boy  who  had 
learnt  to  struggle  with  an  axe  before  he  was  nine 
years  old  grew  into  the  man  who  was  not  afraid  of 
tackling  the  tree  of  knowledge  and  splitting  it  open 
by  sheer  hard  work. 

By  the  time  he  was  seventeen  Lincoln  looked  a 
man.  To  his  indulgent  stepmother  he  still  seemed 
a  boy,  but  his  father  thought  it  high  time  for  him  to 
do  a  man's  work.  He  had  never  been  idle,  but  there 
was  a  difference  between  a  boy's  help  and  the  labour 
expected  from  a  man.  It  was  now  time  for  Lincoln 
to  take  his  place  among  men. 


28 


CHAPTER  IV:  Everyday  Work 

FOR  the  next  three  years  Lincoln  remained  at 
home.  There  was  plenty  of  work  for  him 
to  do,  and  all  day  long  he  was  busy,  either 
chopping  logs  or  raising  crops  or  helping  to  clear 
away  the  thick  tangles  of  brushwood  which  stood 
in  the  way  of  the  settlers.  There  was  little  or  no 
excitement  in  his  days.  Each  day  was  very  much  like 
the  one  before.  It  seemed  likely  that  he  would  lead 
just  such  a  life  as  his  father  had  done,  living  till  the 
end  of  his  years  in  the  remote  backwoods  and  know- 
ing nothing  at  all  of  the  world  beyond  the  few  miles 
he  had  ever  travelled. 

But  though  for  the  time  being  Lincoln  was  well 
pleased  to  do  what  his  father  told  him,  he  dreamt  of 
very  different  things  and  steadfastly  looked  forward 
to  the  day  when  he  would  be  a  full-grown  man  and 
free  to  go  into  the  wider  world  of  which  he  knew  so 
little.  As  the  settlement  on  Pigeon  Creek  grew  larger, 
and  new  families  began  to  make  it  their  home,  men 
came  into  the  neighbourhood  who  talked  of  wider 
affairs  than  the  building  of  a  log  cabin  or  the  raising 
of  enough  grain  to  feed  a  family,  and  whenever  they 
talked  they  found  in  Lincoln  a  ready  listener.  Every 
scrap  of  information  he  could  pick  up  of  what  people 
said  and  did  in  big  towns  was  so  much  new  knowledge 
to  him,  and  his  quick  imagination  filled  in  the  rough 
sketches  the  men  gave  him.  Some  years  before  this 
he  had  read  Weems's  Life  of  George  Washington 
and  he  had  never  forgotten  it.  Washington  was 
thenceforth  his  hero  among  heroes,  and  when  he  was 
downcast  because  of  his  own  few  opportunities  he 

29 


Abraham  Lincoln 

would  remember  the  difficulties  Washington  had 
conquered,  and  resolve  that  he  would  do  his  utmost 
to  imitate  his  courage.  He  began  to  try  to  make 
speeches,  and  whenever  he  could  get  any  one  to  listen 
to  him  he  would  stand  up  and  make  an  oration.  As 
a  rule  he  usually  found  an  audience,  for  Lincoln  had 
a  persuasive  way  with  him,  and  he  was  always  deeply 
in  earnest  about  what  he  had  to  say.  A  round  of 
good-natured  clapping  from  the  men  who  listened 
was  more  than  enough  reward  for  him.  The  feeling 
of  mastery  was  kindling  in  him  ;  in  a  shy  way  he  felt 
he  enjoyed  addressing  other  people.  He  liked  to 
feel  they  were  listening  to  him,  that  in  some  degree 
at  least  he  could  move  their  thoughts.  Such  pleasure 
did  not  spring  from  conceit.  Lincoln's  wholesome 
upbringing  and  his  natural  modesty  saved  him  from 
the  faults  of  a  lesser  man.  Greatness  was  stirring  in 
him  ;  genius  was  at  work  in  his  mind,  fitting  him  to 
become  presently  the  true  master  of  men. 

During  the  seasons  when  there  was  not  a  great 
deal  of  work  to  be  done  on  the  farm  Lincoln  spent 
some  of  his  time  as  a  ferryman  on  the  river  Ohio, 
where  he  ferried  passengers  across  from  Kentucky 
to  Indiana.  This  was  new  and  exciting  work.  At 
Pigeon  Creek  there  was  very  little  coming  and  going. 
The  people  who  lived  there  were  too  busy  earning 
their  daily  bread  to  have  time  or  money  for  travel- 
ling. They  lived  a  quiet,  hard-working  life,  seeing 
few  strangers  and  enjoying  few  pleasures.  To  the 
youth,  fresh  from  the  quiet  round  of  the  Creek,  it 
seemed  'the  height  of  everything  splendid  to  steer  a 
ferry-boat.  The  passengers  he  carried  appeared  to 
him  different  from  the  men  he  knew  at  home.  They 

30 


YOUNG  LINCOLN  WORKING  OUT   SUMS  ON  A   SHOVEL 
W.   Rainey,  R.  I.  30 


Everyday  Work 

were  not  settlers  or  farmers ;  many  of  them  worked 
in  offices ;  they  lived  in  towns  and  mixed  with  other 
men.  As  he  ferried  them  across  the  broad  stretch 
of  the  river,  Lincoln  felt  that  now  at  last  he  was 
beginning  to  be  in  touch  with  the  busy  world  of 
which  he  had  dreamed,  and  whither,  some  day,  he 
meant  to  go. 

To  fit  himself  for  this  great  future  enterprise  he 
spent  every  spare  minute  he  had  in  reading  any  book 
that  came  his  way.  When  the  cold  winter  days  came, 
and  the  rippling  surface  of  the  rivei  turned  slowly 
into  menacing  blocks  of  ice,  there  was  no  more  ferry- 
ing to  be  done,  and  Lincoln  had  to  return  to  Pigeon 
Creek.  There  he  found  more  than  enough  household 
tasks  to  keep  him  busy.  He  chopped  wood,  carried 
water,  and  helped  his  father  in  all  there  was  to  be 
done.  No  one  could  work  better  than  he  ;  few  could 
do  as  well.  When  his  long,  strong  arm  seized  the  axe 
the  logs  would  soon  be  split  up  ready  for  use,  and 
if  there  were  heavy  weights  to  be  carried  it  was 
always  Lincoln  who  could  take  the  most.  In  spite 
of  his  great  strength  he  was  always  ready  to  help 
those  who  were  weaker  than  himself,  and  he  was  never 
in  too  great  a  hurry  to  pass  by  even  an  animal  crying 
for  aid.  He  would  jump  into  a  stream  to  save  a 
dog,  or  scramble  up  a  tree  to  put  back  a  wounded 
bird.  This  instinct  for  gentleness  never  left  him, 
but  continued  throughout  his  life  to  be  one  of  his 
most  lovable  qualities. 

During  the  long,  happy  winter  days  at  home 
Lincoln's  mind  was  busy  upon  the  problem  of  how 
he  could  get  into  touch  with  the  bigger  world  of  which 
he  had  had  a  tantalizing  glimpse.  He  thought  that 


Abraham  Lincoln 

he  would  try  to  make  a  boat  of  his  own  and  then 
offer  to  carry  goods  in  it  for  traders.  His  father  was 
quite  willing  for  him  to  make  the  attempt,  and  so 
in  his  spare  time  Lincoln  built  a  small,  strong- 
looking  flat-boat,  every  bit  of  which  was  fashioned 
by  his  own  hands.  As  the  owner  of  a  boat,  however 
clumsy  and  home-made  her  appearance,  Lincoln  felt 
he  was  considerably  nearer  to  the  outside  world, 
and  in  imagination  he  saw  himself  mixing  in  city 
crowds  and  enjoying  all  the  pleasant  sensations 
that  life  in  a  town  could  give  him.  In  a  small  way 
he  was  already  something  of  a  speaker,  with  an  easy 
command  over  words.  Daily  papers  he  had  never 
seen ;  books  were  rare  and  dear  possessions,  to  be 
read  over  and  over  again.  The  few  which  had  come 
in  his  way  in  life  he  knew  almost  off  by  heart.  The 
smallness  of  his  library  had  been  an  advantage  to 
him.  It  had  forced  him  to  read  attentively,  since 
he  could  not  afford  to  spare  a  word,  and  being  quite 
without  newspapers  and  journals  of  any  kind  he  knew 
nothing  of  the  ready-made  phrases  which  are  part  and 
parcel  of  the  thought  and  speech  of  a  hurried  journalist. 
Lincoln's  language  was  homely,  and  his  images  were 
drawn  from  incidents  and  objects  in  daily  life,  but  he 
was  free  from  anything  theatrical  or  tawdry,  and  too 
natural  in  his  outlook  and  too  frank  in  his  comments 
deliberately  to  aim  at  producing  an  effect.  He  was 
just  a  simple,  large-hearted  boy,  full  of  healthy 
curiosity  about  life,  and  ready  to  spend  himself  in 
the  service  of  others.  To  the  end  of  his  life  Lincoln 
lost  neither  his  simplicity  nor  his  earnestness.  He 
cared  deeply  about  things.  Everything  mattered.  He 
never  upheld  a  cause  in  which  he  did  not  believe,  and 

32 


Everyday  Work 

thus  he  had  no  need  to  cultivate  the  cunning  per- 
suasiveness of  an  orator  who,  not  caring  very  much 
on  which  side  he  speaks,  is  like  a  plant  that  has  no 
root,  and  for  a  few  hours  makes  a  brave  show  and 
then  withers  and  is  cast  away.  Lincoln,  on  the 
other  hand,  threw  his  roots  down  deeply,  and,  being 
firmly  planted,  withstood  every  blast  of  criticism  or 
abuse. 

In  time  his  audiences  became  aware  that  he  never 
supported  a  cause  in  which  he  did  not  personally 
believe,  and  because  he  believed  they  began  to  do  so 
also.  It  was  this  high  note  of  conviction  which  made 
his  speeches  so  powerful.  He  meant  every  word  he 
said ;  and  if  he  thought  it  right  to  say  a  thing,  he 
said  it,  without  first  considering  whether  it  would  be 
likely  to  please  or  vex  his  hearers.  '  Honest  Abe  ' 
he  had  been  called  by  those  among  whom  he  worked 
with  his  hands,  and  when  fortune  brought  him  into 
the  larger  and  more  difficult  world  of  politics  he 
could  still  claim  the  title.  Fame  and  position  became 
his,  but  they  left  him  the  same  at  heart,  and  in  the 
White  House  at  Washington  he  was  just  what  he 
had  been  in  the  little  home  at  Pigeon  Creek — as  eager 
to  play  his  part  in  the  world  and  as  determined  to  play 
it  in  the  way  that  seemed  to  him  right. 


33 


CHAPTER  V:  Down  the 
Mississippi 

LINCOLN  launched  his  little  flat-boat  success- 
fully on  the  Ohio,  but  it  was  a  clumsy  vessel 
and  hard  to  manage,  and  he  very  soon  gave 
it  up  to  join  in  an  expedition  planned  by  his  friend 
Allan  Gentry.  Gentry  was  taking  some  goods  for 
his  father  to  New  Orleans,  on  a  large,  heavy  boat, 
known  as  a  broadhorn,  and  he  now  asked  Lincoln  to 
accompany  him.  Lincoln  did  not  hesitate  over  his 
answer.  He  had  been  born  with  the  courage  and 
the  curiosity  of  an  explorer,  and  the  very  thought  of 
seeing  a  town  made  his  blood  tingle  with  excitement. 
He  felt  more  like  a  king  setting  out  to  conquer  a  new 
country  than  a  poor  boat-hand  when  he  stood  on 
the  broadhorn  and  helped  to  push  her  down  the 
waters  of  the  majestic  Mississippi. 

To  a  youth  who  had  scarcely  been  more  than  a 
mile  or  two  from  home,  the  adventure  was  a  journey 
through  fairyland.  On  either  side  of  the  river  he 
could  here  and  there  catch  sight  of  large  sugar  planta- 
tions, whose  owners  lived  in  long,  wooden  nouses, 
sheltered  from  the  sun  by  wide  verandahs.  On  the 
edge  of  the  river-swamps  rose  giant  trees,  among  them 
the  tall  and  sombre  cypress,  like  a  mournful  sentry 
keeping  watch  over  the  treacherous  bogs.  Beyond 
were  cane-brakes,  and  beyond  these  again  wi-'a  open 
prairies  on  which  flourished  the  live-oak  and  the 
splendid  magnolia. 

The  management  of  the  broadhorn  took  most  of 
Lincoln's  attention,  but  he  also  had  eyes  for  the  new 

34 


Down  the  Mississippi 

beauties  through  which  he  was  passing.  Along  the 
lower  reaches  of  the  river  the  forests  were  denser  and 
more  silent.  The  axe  had  done  little  work  here. 
Tall  and  menacing,  the  trees  stood  in  possession  of 
the  earth,  their  branches  laden  with  the  beautiful 
but  deadly  Spanish  moss,  hanging  in  ribands,  like 
tattered  banners,  motionless,  lovely — unmistakable 
signals  that  the  tree  was  doomed  and  would  by  and 
by  perish,  choked  by  its  garlands. 

Between  the  thick  stretches  of  foliage  a  keen  eye 
might  catch  the  glimmer  of  a  lagoon,  looking  like  a 
line  of  silver  in  the  light,  but  in  reality  sinister  and 
dark.  Splendid  fruit-trees  added  colour  to  the  scene, 
rose-bushes  covered  with  a  thousand  blossoms,  jas- 
mine running  wild.  To  Lincoln  it  was  all  a  coloured 
dream  ;  everything  was  new ;  everything  was  full  of 
beauty. 

As  the  two  youths  got  farther  on  their  way  the 
river  became  more  crowded  and  lively.  Big  boats 
and  little  boats  jostled  one  another — tiny  craft  and 
great  sailing  vessels,  homely  flat-boats,  and  wide, 
cumbersome  broadhorns.  On  the  Mississippi  there 
was  more  than  enough  room  for  them  all,  and  Lincoln 
began  vaguely  to  realize  that  the  world  was  even 
bigger  than  he  had  pictured  it. 

At  last  New  Orleans  came  in  sight.  The  broadhorn 
was  safely  anchored,  and  Lincoln  and  Gentry  were 
free  to  go  ashore.  Lincoln  had  never  seen  a  town 
before  and  at  first  the  noise  bewildered  him.  But 
this  feeling  ot  discomfort  was  soon  swallowed  up 
in  the  delight  he  found  in  the  passing  to  and  fro  of 
the  people,  the  hum  of  their  conversation,  and  the 
brilliant  splash  of  colour  made  by  the  dress  of  the 

35 


Abraham  Lincoln 

women.  Fresh  from  the  solitude  of  Pigeon  Creek,  it 
seemed  to  him  like  a  fairy  tale.  Little  did  he  think 
that  he  himself  was  the  fairy  prince  who  would  some 
day  be  famous  not  only  in  New  Orleans  but  throughout 
America  and  the  whole  world. 

After  finishing  their  business  Lincoln  and  Allan 
Gentry  prepared  to  return  home.  They  had  proved 
themselves  capable  and  clever  young  men.  A 
captain  who  had  watched  them  offered  Lincoln  a 
place  as  a  hand  in  his  boat.  Lincoln  refused.  He 
was  not  yet  more  than  nineteen  years  of  age,  and  he 
knew  that  his  father  felt  he  had  the  right  to  his  son's 
service  for  the  next  two  or  three  years.  So  back 
from  New  Orleans  to  Pigeon  Creek  they  journeyed, 
and  once  more  Lincoln  settled  down  to  the  ordinary 
hard  daily  work  of  the  homestead.  He  returned  to 
find  an  air  of  excitement  in  the  home.  His  father, 
Thomas  Lincoln,  though  now  middle-aged,  had  not 
yet  lost  his  desire  for  change,  and  he  was  thoroughly 
tired  of  Pigeon  Creek.  He  had  now  lived  there  some 
years,  and  he  was  wearying  to  be  off.  Some  of  his 
relations,  including  Abraham's  cousin,  John  Hanks, 
had  lately  settled  in  Illinois,  and  they  wrote  wonderful 
accounts  of  the  advantages  of  their  new  home.  Why 
not  come  too  ?  they  said  to  Thomas  Lincoln,  and  he 
began  to  say  impatiently,  "  Why  not  ?  "  His  clever, 
capable  wife  was  less  ready  to  risk  a  move,  but  when 
letter  after  letter  told  the  same  tale  she  declared 
herself  willing  to  go. 

And  so  the  great  change  was  made,  and  the  Lincolns 
once  more  sought  a  new  home.  More  preparations 
were  needed  this  time  than  on  the  earlier  journeys. 
Lincoln's  stepsisters  had  now  married,  and  they  and 

36 


Down  the  Mississippi 

their  families  were  going  with  them,  so  that  to  leave 
Pigeon  Creek  meant  a  great  upheaval.  Fortunately 
Lincoln  was  there  to  help  with  the  preparations,  and 
hie  strong  arm  and  his  readiness  to  do  anything  to 
help  made  him  a  very  useful  member  of  the  party. 
John  Hanks,  delighted  to  hear  they  were  coming, 
had  already  staked  out  a  claim  for  them,  and  he 
promised  also  to  help  to  build  a  house.  In  these 
circumstances  all  seemed  fair  and  hopeful  when  the 
little  cavalcade  set  off  one  morning  early  in  March 
in  the  year  1830  to  travel  to  Decatur,  which  stands 
not  far  from  the  Sangamon  River. 

The  distance  they  had  to  travel  was  not  above 
two  hundred  miles.  An  express  train  to-day  would 
cover  the  journey  in  four  hours,  or  perhaps  even 
less.  But  in  the  whole  of  America  at  this  date  there 
was  not  a  railway.  In  England,  George  Stephenson's 
great  triumph,  the  Liverpool  and  Manchester  Railway, 
just  finished,  was  a  marvel  to  the  world.  Few  realized 
as  yet  how  much  steam  was  to  do.  Meanwhile,  even 
between  towns  travelling  was  a  wearying,  troublesome 
affair,  and  in  districts  where  at  best  there  were  only 
cart-tracks  journeys  were  very  slow  and  laborious. 
When  the  Lincoln  family  set  off  in  their  wagon  from 
Pigeon  Creek  to  Decatur,  it  took  them  two  weeks 
to  cover  the  two  hundred  miles  they  had  to  go. 
Abraham  was  an  invaluable  helper  on  the  road.  No 
one  could  handle  the  horses  better  than  he.  Through 
shallow  rivers,  or  deep  mud,  or  over  tracks  rough  with 
uncut  stones,  he  patiently  urged  them  on,  never  losing 
his  temper  over  the  little  accidents  of  the  way,  but 
keeping  every  one  else  merry  and  happy  by  his  cheer- 
fulness and  his  quaint  remarks  about  the  ups  and 

37 


Abraham  Lincoln 

downs  which  befell  them.  If  anything  went  wrong, 
instead  of  getting  angry  Lincoln  would  usually  make 
some  amusing  remark,  and  turn  into  a  joke  what  would 
otherwise  have  been  a  disagreeable  incident. 

Even  the  longest  and  roughest  journey  at  last 
comes  to  an  end,  and  in  time  the  Lincolns  reached 
Decatur,  where  with  every  one's  willing  help  the  new 
house  was  quickly  built.  It  was  well  they  were  soon 
comfortably  settled,  for  the  winter  set  in  with  terrible 
keenness,  and  snow  fell  to  such  a  depth  that  ever  after 
it  was  spoken  of  as  '  the  winter  of  the  deep  snow.' 

With  the  coming  of  spring  and  the  gradual  thawing 
of  the  snow,  Lincoln  began  to  think  what  his  own 
plans  were  to  be.  He  was  twenty-two,  and  if  ever 
he  was  to  get  a  footing  in  the  world  it  was  high  time 
to  make  a  beginning.  A  friend  named  Denton  Offutt 
came  to  him  with  a  proposal.  His  father  wanted  to 
ship  some  goods  down  the  river  to  New  Orleans,  and 
he  had  heard  that  Lincoln  had  already  made  a 
successful  journey  there.  He  therefore  asked  him 
to  join  in  the  new  expedition,  and  when  Lincoln 
gladly  accepted  the  offer,  a  little  crew,  consisting  of 
Lincoln,  his  stepbrother,  John  Johnston,  and  his 
cousin,  John  Hanks,  set  off  in  a  flat-boat,  with  Dennis 
Offutt  as  captain.  Lincoln  was  in  high  spirits  over 
the  new  enterprise,  and  as  they  got  nearer  and  nearer 
to  the  great  town  and  the  river  became  alive  with 
vessels  of  every  size  and  shape,  he  felt  himself  rising 
into  an  ecstasy  of  excitement.  But  in  New  Orleans 
his  joyousness  received  a  sudden  check,  for  it  was 
there  he  first  saw  a  slave-market.  On  his  earlier 
visit  Lincoln  had  had  no  time  to  explore  the  less 
fashionable  quarters,  and  he  did  not  know  that  slaves 

38 


Down  the  Mississippi 

were  actually  bought  and  sold  in  the  streets  of  the 
town  which  seemed  to  him  as  dazzling  as  El  Dorado. 
That  cruelty  and  misery  should  lurk  in  the  dark 
corners  of  this  splendid  place  made  him  feel  sick  and 
ill  with  shame.  Surely  in  a  town  so  wonderful  every 
one  must  be  happy.  But  those  sad  groups  of  silent, 
big-eyed  slaves,  huddled  together  to  be  inspected  by 
any  likely  buyer,  froze  Lincoln's  heart  and  made  him 
realize  for  the  first  time  in  his  happy,  wholesome  life 
that  splendour  and  misery  are  often  not  far  apart, 
and  sometimes  even  go  hand  in  hand. 

A  few  weeks  later,  their  business  being  settled, 
Lincoln  and  his  friends  returned  home.  To  his  com- 
panions he  seemed  just  the  same  as  ever,  as  full  of 
jokes,  as  ready  for  a  prank,  as  prepared  for  a  game, 
or,  if  necessary,  as  ready  to  fight.  But  the  shock  of 
the  sight  of  the  slave-market  had  left  an  impression 
that  could  never  be  wiped  out.  Already  he  was 
beginning  to  brood  over  the  problem  of  slavery,  which 
was  henceforward  to  occupy  a  large  part  of  his  mind. 
The  boy  who  was  too  kind-hearted  to  trap  a  bird  or  a 
squirrel  shrank  indignantly  from  the  very  thought 
of  enslaving  men,  and  in  his  mind  he  instinctively 
took  the  side  of  the  captives.  The  visit  to  New 
Orleans  thus  marked  an  important  era  in  his  life  and 
made  him  begin  definitely  to  think  about  the  sufferings 
of  others.  Once  he  had  realized  that  any  one  was  being 
treated  cruelly  or  unjustly,  there  was  no  doubt  where 
his  sympathies  would  be.  Since  the  days  when  he  had 
waded  into  an  icy  stream  to  rescue  an  imploring  dog, 
Abraham  Lincoln  had  always  been  the  champion  of 
the  weak  and  defenceless. 

Shortly  after  Lincoln's  return  home,  Mr  Offutt, 

39 


Abraham  Lincoln 

the  father  of  his  friend  Dent  on  Offutt,  determined  to 
open  a  small  general  shop  in  the  little  village  of  New 
Salem,  some  twelve  miles  below  Springfield.  He  had 
noticed  Lincoln's  ability  and  the  clever  way  in  which 
he  had  helped  to  carry  through  the  trip  to  New  Orleans, 
and  he  now  wrote  and  invited  him  to  become  the 
manager  of  the  little  store.  Lincoln  willingly  answered 
"  Yes,"  and  made  haste  to  take  up  his  new  occupation. 
New  Salem  was  a  very  small  place  indeed,  but  in 
comparison  with  his  old  home  it  was  large  and  lively, 
and  as  manager  of  the  general  village  store  Lincoln 
felt  he  was  indeed  a  man.  His  ready  humour  and 
good-nature  made  him  a  favourite  with  every  one. 
The  shop  quickly  became  the  meeting-place  of  the 
village,  where  men  and  women  would  come  to  do 
their  bit  of  shopping  and  to  chat  with  '  Abe.'  Better 
even  than  his  good-nature  and  his  quaint  way  of 
expressing  his  opinions  to  the  shoppers  was  his  strict 
honesty.  A  buyer  once  handed  him  too  much  money, 
and  Lincoln  could  not  rest  till  he  had  gone  after  him 
and  handed  it  back.  Another  time  when  by  an  accident 
he  weighed  out  too  little  tea  for  one  of  his  customers, 
as  soon  as  he  found  out  his  mistake  he  weighed  out 
some  more  and  took  it  round  to  her  home.  '  Honest 
Abe  '  they  liked  to  call  him,  and  Lincoln  never  had 
any  prouder  title  given  him.  Honest  in  thought,  in 
word,  and  in  deed,  there  never  was  any  occasion  in  his 
life  when  he  feared  to  look  an  enemy  in  the  face,  or 
shrank  from  having  any  of  his  actions,  whether  public 
or  private,  examined  by  the  eagle  eye  of  truth. 


40 


SECTION  III 

Years  of  Self-expression  and 
Rxperience 

1832-1842 

(FROM  TWENTY-THREE  TO  THIRTY-THREE) 

I  go  for  all  sharing  the  privileges  of  the  Government  who 
assist  in  bearing  its  burdens  :  consequently  I  go  for  admitting 
all  whites  to  the  rights  of  suffrage  who  pay  taxes  or  bear  arms 
(by  no  means  excluding  females). 

If  elected  I  shall  consider  the  whole  people  of  Sangamon 
my  constituents,  as  well  those  that  oppose  as  those  that 
support  me. 

While  acting  as  their  representative  I  shall  be  governed  by 
their  will  on  all  subjects  upon  which  I  have  the  means  of  know- 
ing what  their  will  is,  and  upon  all  others  I  shall  do  what  my 
own  judgment  teaches  me  will  best  advance  their  interests. 

Extract  from  a  letter  written  by  Lincoln  appearing  in 
the  "  Sangamon  Journal"  June  1836 


CHAPTER  VI:  Black  Hawks 
Rebellion 

IN  spite  of  Lincoln's  popularity,  the  little  shop  in 
New  Salem  did  not  succeed  in  making  money  for 
its  owner,  Mr  Offutt,  and  it  was  not  very  long 
before,  in  Lincoln's  words,  it  '  winked  out.'     When 
a  store  has  '  winked  out '  there  is  no  more  work 
either  for  its  owner  or  his  assistants,  and  once  more 
Lincoln  was  faced  with  the  problem  of  what  to  do 
next. 

While  he  was  still  hesitating,  news  arrived  that  the 
Red  Indians  were  in  rebellion,  under  the  Sac  chief 
known  as  Black  Hawk.  Ever  since  the  Americans 
had  begun  to  cross  the  Mississippi  and  make  settle- 
ments in  the  old  hunting-ground  of  the  Indians  the 
red  men  had  found  themselves  steadily  driven  farther 
and  farther  back.  They  felt  bitterly  angry  as  they 
realized  that  lands  which  they  had  long  thought  of 
as  their  own  were  being  seized  by  the  white  men, 
but  they  could  do  very  littld  to  prevent  the  change, 
for  the  white  men  were  stronger  and  far  more 
numerous  and  better  equipped  than  the  half-savage 
Indians  could  ever  be.  Little  by  little  the  Indians 
had  to  give  way,  till  at  last  some  of  their  chiefs  grudg- 
ingly signed  a  paper  by  which  they  agreed  to  give  up 
to  the  white  men  all  the  land  in  the  north  of  Illinois, 
in  return  for  which  they  were  allowed  to  claim  a 
stretch  of  land  on  the  west  of  the  Mississippi.  This 
treaty  had  been  made  with  the  consent  of  most  of 
the  chiefs,  but  there  was  one,  Black  Hawk,  who  swore 
he  would  never  agree  to  it.  He  said  that  the  white 

43 


Abraham  Lincoln 

men  had  stolen  the  Indians'  lands,  and  therefore  he 
regarded  them  as  his  bitter  enemies  and  declared  he 
would  never  acknowledge  them  as  his  masters.  Black 
Hawk  was  head  of  a  tribe  known  as  the  Sacs,  and 
he  now  made  an  alliance  with  another  tribe,  and 
together  the  warriors  boldly  crossed  the  Mississippi, 
saying  they  had  come  to  take  back  the  lands  in 
the  Rock  River  Valley  which  had  been  unlawfully 
seized  by  the  white  men.  The  news  of  the  rebellion 
caused  great  alarm  among  the  settlers,  and  when 
farm  after  farm  began  to  be  burned,  landmarks 
removed  and  crops  destroyed,  a  volunteer  army 
rapidly  sprang  into  being  to  put  down  Black  Hawk 
and  his  men. 

Among  those  who  volunteered  was  Lincoln.  His 
shop  had '  winked  out '  and  he  had  no  new  work  on  hand, 
and  moreover  the  idea  of  fighting  attracted  him.  Six 
feet  four  in  height,  with  an  arm  like  a  sledge-hammer, 
and  well  used  from  childhood  to  enduring  hardships 
and  toil,  he  had  all  the  qualities  most  needed  by  a 
soldier,  and  it  was  not  very  surprising  that  his  com- 
rades quickly  voted  him  their  captain.  He  was 
delighted  at  the  honour,  and  afterward  he  used  to 
say  no  compliment  he  had  ever  received  pleased  him 
more  than  this.  None  of  the  men  in  his  com- 
mand were  trained  soldiers,  and  they  had  very  little 
idea  either  of  discipline  or  of  doing  quickly  what 
they  were  told.  Lincoln  had  plenty  of  common  sense 
to  help  him,  and  he  could  be  firm  and  stern  in 
giving  orders,  but  it  took  all  his  tact  and  skill  to 
manage  these  willing  but  very  dimcult  soldiers  of 
his.  Fortunately  he  could  outshine  any  of  them  in 
the  games  they  played,  and  his  splendid  strength 

44 


LINCOLN    AND    THE    INDIAN 
E.  F.  Skinner 


44 


Black  Hawk's  Rebellion 

made  them  respect  him  and  inclined  them  to  obey 
him. 

Lincoln's  fine  sense  of  justice  once  brought  him 
into  a  dangerous  position  with  his  men,  and  but  for 
his  courage  he  would  have  lost  the  day.  A  half- 
starved,  sullen  Indian  made  his  way  into  the  camp. 
The  soldiers,  grown  savage  through  days  of  idle 
waiting,  were  ready  to  kill  any  stranger,  and  they 
cried  out  at  once :  "  He  is  a  spy  !  Shoot  him."  The 
bewildered  Indian,  seeing  mischief  was  afoot,  timidly 
held  out  a  paper  signed  by  General  Cass,  saying  that 
the  bearer  was  a  friend  to  the  white  men  and  ought 
to  be  allowed  a  free  pass. 

"  What !  "  muttered  the  men,  "  let  him  go  free  ! 
Why,  it's  a  forgery.  General  Cass  never  signed  that 
order."  Several  rifles  were  pointed  at  the  unhappy 
stranger,  and  the  next  minute  he  would  have  been 
dead  if  Lincoln  had  not  sprung  in  front  of  him 
crying,  "  Men,  this  must  not  be !  He  must  not  be 
shot  by  us." 

For  a  moment  the  rebels  paused,  then  one  of  them 
shouted : 

"  This  is  cowardly  on  your  part,  Lincoln." 

"  If  any  man  thinks  I  am  a  coward,  let  him  test  it," 
replied  Abraham  Lincoln. 

'  You  are  larger  and  heavier  than  we,"  said  another. 
'  You  can  guard  against  that.  Choose  your  own 
weapons,"  retorted  the  captain.  There  was  a  pause  ; 
a  silence ;  then  one  by  one  the  rifles  were  lowered, 
and  Lincoln  knew  that  he  had  won  the  day.  If  he 
had  been  less  brave,  if  he  had  blinked  an  eyelid  in 
fear,  or  stepped  back  but  half  a  pace,  nothing  could 
have  saved  the  camp  from  riot.  His  absolute  lack 

45 


Abraham  Lincoln 

of  fear  was  his  strongest  weapon,  and  the  men  who  had 
been  ready  to  threaten  him,  now  became  his  devoted 
admirers,  and  boasted  of  him  to  their  friends. 

This  gift  of  dealing  quickly  with  a  crisis  was  always 
Lincoln's  greatest  safeguard  in  life.  He  thought 
rapidly,  and  held  firmly  to  his  line  of  action,  never 
considering  himself,  or  his  own  comfort,  or  any 
danger  that  might  befall  him,  but  going  straight  to 
the  point,  and  acting  with  a  bold  decisiveness  that 
drew  a  chorus  of  praise  even  from  his  enemies.  In 
the  army,  it  was  said,  "  he  attracted  men  and  officers 
as  with  hooks  of  steel,"  and  when  he  had  risen  into 
greatness  and  become  President  of  the  States  he 
still  kept  his  old  magnetic  power,  and  thus  he  gradu- 
ally endeared  to  him  not  only  the  men  who  worked 
daily  with  him,  but  the  whole  of  the  nation  whom  he 
toiled  to  serve. 

Day  after  day  went  by  and  Lincoln's  soldiers  still 
waited  for  instructions  from  headquarters  which 
never  came.  The  men  began  to  grow  restless  and  long 
for  freedom.  They  had  only  volunteered  for  a  few 
weeks'  service,  and  as  soon  as  the  term  was  over 
they  demanded  their  dismissal.  To  pacify  them  they 
were  disbanded  and  allowed  to  return  to  their  homes. 
Captain  Lincoln  was  now  an  officer  without  any  men, 
but  he  did  not  hesitate  about  what  to  do.  He  had 
set  out  to  fight  against  the  Indians,  and  he  therefore 
quietly  enlisted  as  a  private  in  a  battalion  often  known 
as  the  Independent  Spy  Battalion,  commanded  by 
Captain  lies. 

In  this  new  capacity  Lincoln  faithfully  served  his 
term  in  the  war,  but  without  coming  into  contact 
with  the  fighting  forces.  Black  Hawk  and  his  few 

46 


Black  Hawks  Rebellion 

bold  followers  were  no  match  for  the  white  men,  and 
after  a  short  spell  of  sharp  fighting  the  Indian  chief 
was  captured  and  brought  before  President  Jackson. 
In  the  whole  of  his  life  the  Sac  leader  had  never  seen 
a  city  such  as  Washington,  and  he  had  never  dreamed 
of  magnificence  to  match  what  he  saw  in  the  White 
House,  but  nothing  could  abash  his  brave  old  heart, 
and  when  he  saw  the  President  he  spoke  to  him 
simply,  as  one  chief  to  another,  saying  sadly  but 
bravely,  "  I  am  a  man,  and  you  are  another.  I  did 
not  expect  to  conquer  the  white  people.  I  took  up 
the  hatchet  to  avenge  injuries  which  could  no  longer 
be  borne.  Had  I  borne  them  longer  my  people 
would  have  said  :  '  Black  Hawk  is  a  squaw.  He 
is  too  old  to  be  a  chief.  He  is  no  Sac.'  This  caused 
me  to  raise  the  war-whoop.  I  say  no  more  of  it : 
all  is  known  to  you." 

With  the  capture  of  brave  Black  Hawk  the  war 
came  to  an  end.  The  volunteer  soldiers  were  dis- 
missed, and  Lincoln  now  made  his  way  back  to  New 
Salem.  His  short  experience  as  a  captain  had  given 
him  his  first  real  taste  of  governing  men,  and  after- 
ward, as  a  private,  he  had  been  able  to  study  the 
methods  of  command  used  by  men  accustomed  to 
planning  campaigns  and  giving  orders.  Among  the 
officers  who  visited  his  camp  was  one  named  Zachary 
Taylor.  Years  afterward  Taylor  was  to  become 
President  of  the  United  States  of  America.  Little 
did  any  one  think  that  Private  Abraham  Lincoln 
would  also  some  day  win  that  high  office.  Still  less 
did  the  thought  occur  to  Private  A.  Lincoln  himself. 


47 


CHAPTER  VII:  An  Election 

BEFORE  Lincoln  had  set  off  on  the  Black  Hawk 
expedition  he  had  put  down  his  name  as  a 
candidate  to  represent  Sangamon  County 
in  the  State  Legislature.  The  elections  were  to  take 
place  in  August  and  four  men  would  be  chosen.  A 
good  many  men  were  anxious  to  be  elected,  and  there 
were  no  less  than  thirteen  names  put  before  the 
electors.  Among  these  names  was  that  of  Lincoln, 
but  through  his  absence  in  fighting  against  the  Indians 
he  had  not  much  time  to  prepare  any  elaborate 
speeches  in  which  to  urge  his  claims.  Nevertheless  he 
came  back  in  time  to  send  out  a  circular  to  all  the 
people  in  the  county  explaining  his  views.  It  ran  : 

"FELLOW  CITIZENS, 

"  Having  become  a  candidate  for  the  honourable 
office  of  one  of  your  representatives  in  the  next  general 
assembly  of  this  State,  in  accordance  with  an  estab- 
lished custom  and  the  principles  of  true  republicanism, 
it  becomes  my  duty  to  make  known  to  you,  the  people 
whom  I  propose  to  represent,  my  sentiments  with 
regard  to  local  affairs.  .  .  . 

"  Every  man  is  said  to  have  his  peculiar  ambition. 
Whether  it  be  true  or  not,  I  can  say,  for  one,  that 
I  have  no  other  so  great  as  that  of  being  truly  esteemed 
of  my  fellow-men  by  rendering  myself  worthy  of  their 
esteem. 

"  How  far  I  shall  succeed  in  gratifying  this  ambition 
is  yet  to  be  developed.  I  am  young  and  unknown 
to  many  of  you ;  I  was  born  and  have  ever  remained 
in  the  most  humble  walks  of  life.  I  have  no  wealthy 

48 


An  Election 

or  popular  relations  or  friends  to  recommend  me.  My 
case  is  thrown  exclusively  upon  the  independent 
voters  of  the  county,  and  if  elected  they  will  have 
conferred  a  favour  upon  me  for  which  I  shall  be  un- 
remitting in  my  labours  to  compensate.  But  if  the 
good  people  in  their  wisdom  shall  see  fit  to  keep  me 
in  the  background,  I  have  been  too  familiar  with  dis- 
appointments to  be  very  much  chagrined." 

In  addition  to  this  plain  confession  of  his  intentions, 
Lincoln  made  one  or  two  simple  speeches  before  the 
country-folk  in  his  neighbourhood.  These  people, 
who,  like  himself,  had  all  their  lives  been  used  to  hard 
work  and  plain  food  and  clothes,  felt  themselves 
drawn  toward  the  tall,  awkward-looking  young  man, 
whose  long  arms  and  large  hands  spoke  of  hard 
toil,  and  whose  over-short  trousers  told  a  tale  of 
poverty.  Many  of  his  listeners  knew  him  personally, 
and  had  already  made  up  their  minds  to  vote  for 
him,  and  they  now  busied  themselves  in  persuading 
any  strangers  among  them  to  support  the  claims  of 
'  Honest  Abe.' 

At  this  time  in  America's  history  there  were  two 
great  political  parties  in  the  country.  One  of  these 
had  existed  for  a  long  time,  and  its  followers  were 
called  Democrats.  Andrew  Jackson  was  its  leader 
at  this  time.  The  other  party  was  quite  new, 
and  the  men  who  upheld  it  were  known  as  Whigs. 
One  of  the  chief  men  among  the  Whigs  was  Henry 
Clay,  whom  Lincoln  deeply  admired.  For  years  he 
had  studied  Clay's  speeches  and  believed  in  them,  and 
he  now  ran  as  a  '  Clay  '  man.  Although  the  great 
Civil  War  was  still  a  long  way  off,  there  was  already 
D  49 


Abraham  Lincoln 

a  good  deal  of  difference  in  opinion  between  the  North 
and  South.  The  northern  part  of  the  States  was 
full  of  thriving  towns  where  the  people  busied  them- 
selves manufacturing  all  sorts  of  goods.  They  found 
plenty  of  buyers  for  their  articles  in  their  own  country, 
and  therefore  they  did  not  want  to  have  a  great  many 
things  sent  in  from  abroad  lest  there  should  be  too 
much  competition.  They  thought  that  by  charging 
a  high  tariff  on  all  goods  coming  into  the  country 
they  would  be  able  to  prevent  them  being  sold  too 
cheaply,  and  by  this  means  they  would  get  a  good 
price  for  whatever  was  made  at  home. 

This  view  did  not  meet  with  applause  in  the  South, 
where  the  people  made  their  living  by  growing  cotton 
instead  of  manufacturing  goods.  The  Southerners 
saw  that  by  making  other  countries  pay  a  high 
duty  on  everything  sent  to  America,  the  prices  of 
everything  in  America  would  be  kept  very  high. 
This  would  be  no  advantage  to  the  Southerners,  who 
would  have  to  buy  them,  although  it  might  be  quite 
agreeable  to  the  Northerners  who  sold  them.  In 
the  South,  therefore,  the  people  were  anxious  to 
have  a  low  tariff  instead  of  a  high  one,  and  so  there 
began  to  be  a  tug  of  war  between  the  North  and  the 
South. 

This  feeling  of  difference  between  the  two  did 
not  improve  with  time,  but  rather  grew  worse,  till 
at  last  in  1832 — the  year  when  Lincoln  was  standing 
for  the  Legislature — the  people  who  lived  in  South 
Carolina  came  together  and  declared  that  if  the  North 
persisted  in  forcing  a  high  tariff  upon  them  South 
Carolina  would  separate  itself  from  the  other  States 
and  secede  from,  or  leave,  the  Union. 

50 


An  Election 

Here  was  a  terrible  dilemma  !  No  one  had  ever 
dreamt  of  breaking  the  Union  of  the  States  that 
had  so  proudly  declared  their  independence  in  1776, 
and  the  very  thought  that  it  was  possible  for  South 
Carolina  to  imagine  such  a  thing  threw  the  other 
States  into  anxiety. 

"  What  shall  we  do  if  South  Carolina  goes  out  ?  " 
Northerners  began  to  ask.  But  bolder  spirits  flung 
back  the  answer  : 

"  South  Carolina  shall  not  go  out.  If  she  does  it 
will  be  as  good  as  saying  we  are  not  a  nation.  Once 
in  the  Union,  for  ever  in  the  Union.  Every  State 
must  think  first  of  the  Union,  and  then  of  its  own 
interests."  To  this  South  Carolina  stubbornly  re- 
plied, "  A  State  must  think  first  of  itself,  and  then 
of  the  Union." 

Matters  were  in  this  awkward  condition  when 
Henry  Clay  made  a  good  suggestion,  by  which  he 
persuaded  South  Carolina  to  stay  in  the  Union  upon 
condition  that  the  high  tariff  should  be  gradually 
lessened  till  it  became  quite  low.  This  wise  idea 
succeeded  in  pacifying  both  the  North  and  the  South, 
and  for  the  time  being  the  cloud  blew  over. 

Lincoln  had  watched  the  crisis  with  interest,  and 
he  had  learnt  a  great  lesson  from  it.  His  quick  eye 
never  let  any  change  in  politics  pass  by  unnoticed, 
and  the  movement  in  South  Carolina  convinced  him 
once  and  for  all  that  Henry  Clay  was  right  and  that 
the  Union  must  never  and  under  no  circumstances 
be  broken.  This  conviction  grew  steadily  in  his 
mind  till  it  became  the  chief  article  in  his  political 
faith.  Dearer  to  him  even  than  the  abolition  of 
slavery  was  the  preservation  of  the  nation,  and  to 


of  LL  ua 


Abraham  Lincoln 

keep  the  Union  unbroken  became  the  passion  of  his 
life. 

When  the  lists  of  the  election  for  the  Legislature  from 
Sangamon  County  were  made  known,  Abraham  Lincoln 
was  not  among  the  winning  four.  His  name  came 
eighth  on  the  list  of  thirteen  competitors.  But 
though  he  was  not  elected,  he  had  done  very  well 
for  a  young  man  who  was  unknown  except  in  his 
own  little  neighbourhood,  and  so  he  was  "  not  very 
much  chagrined,"  but  hoped  for  better  things  next 
time.  If  the  voting  had  depended  on  New  Salem 
alone  he  would  have  got  in  easily  with  every  vote  in 
his  favour,  but  there  were  many  other  districts  to 
be  included  in  the  voting,  and  among  the  people  in 
these  districts  Lincoln's  was  an  unknown  name.  His 
friends  in  New  Salem,  who  beamed  on  the  young 
man  and  told  him  not  to  worry  about  his  defeat, 
felt  they  had  supported  a  man  who,  had  he  been 
elected,  would  have  been  a  very  good  member  of  the 
Legislature,  but  not  one  of  them  imagined  that  this 
same  homely,  ill-clad  young  man  would  one  day  be 
chosen  to  fill  an  office  far  Higher  than  anything  the 
Legislature  could  offer,  and  that  instead  of  being 
krjown  only  to  the  little  cluster  of  country  people 
who  lived  in  New  Salem  he  would  be  known  all  over 
the  world. 


CHAPTER  VIII:  Law  and 

Politics 

LINCOLN  was  disappointed  to  find  that  he 
was  not  elected  to  the  Legislature,  but  he 
had  too  much  common  sense  to  think  it  was 
the  end  of  his  career.  In  all  probability  there  would 
be  another  chance  presently ;  in  the  meantime  he 
must  work.  The  question  that  troubled  him  most 
was  'the  problem  of  making  enough  money  to  buy 
food  and  clothing  for  himself.  The  little  shop  was 
shut :  what  could  he  do  ?  Odd  jobs  were  the  only 
immediate  means  of  earning  a  living,  and  he  offered 
himself  for  any  kind  of  work.  He  chopped  wood  or 
worked  in  the  fields,  drove  wagons  or  carried  parcels 
for  his  neighbours,  who  were  all  ready  to  give  '  Abe  '  a 
helping  hand.  But  in  New  Salem  there  were  no  rich 
men,  and  the  most  willing  among  his  friends  could 
only  offer  him  very  humble  assistance.  On  the  other 
hand,  Lincoln  did  not  want  fine  food,  and  he  had 
never  worn  any  but  the  most  homely  clothes.  His 
wants  were  easily  satisfied,  and  he  could  make  a  very 
little  money  go  a  very  long  way.  If  he  had  plenty 
to  eat,  enough  clothes  to  keep  him  warm,  a  friend  to 
love  him,  and  a  book  to  read,  he  was  as  happy  as  a 
king.  In  between  the  tasks  by  which  he  earned 
enough  money  for  food  and  shelter  he  read  every 
book  that  came  his  way.  If  he  had  work  to  do,  he 
would  fling  himself  into  finishing  it  quickly,  and  then 
when  he  had  done  in  an  hour  what  would  have  taken 
another  man  two,  he  would  feel  he  had  earned  a 
whole  hour  for  reading,  and  he  would  turn  to  his 

53 


Abraham  Lincoln 

book.  He  always  carried  at  least  one  volume  in 
his  pocket,  and  pulling  it  out  he  would  find  a  shady 
place  beneath  some  tree  and  lie  there  reading  till 
it  was  time  to  get  on  with  the  next  piece  of  work. 
The  books  he  read  were  many  of  them  about  law, 
for  since  boyhood  Lincoln  had  set  his  heart  on  being 
a  lawyer.  He  had  a  great  reverence  for  justice.  He 
delighted  also  in  hearing  speeches,  and  thus  he  was 
never  happier  than  when  he  had  the  chance  of  going 
to  the  law  courts  to  listen  to  some  trial. 

Lincoln's  friends  and  employers  were  well  aware 
that  although  he  might  sometimes  seem  idle  and  in- 
attentive to  anything  but  books,  there  was  no  better 
or  more  honest  workman  in  the  country.  He  always 
faithfully  carried  out  his  work  before  he  took  up  his 
book,  and  those  who  called  him  '  lazy  '  knew  very 
little  about  him. 

"  Lincoln,"  said  his  cousin,  John  Hanks,  "  was 
a  lazy,  a  very  lazy  man.  He  was  always  reading, 
writing,  scribbling,  ciphering,  writing  poetry  and 
the  like."  But  on  another  occasion,  when  this  same 
John  Hanks  was  describing  Lincoln  the  woodcutter, 
he  said  : 

"  My,  how  he  could  chop  !  His  axe  would  flash 
and  bite  into  a  sugar-tree  or  sycamore,  and  down  it 
would  come.  If  you  heard  him  felling  trees  in  a 
clearing  you  would  say  there  were  three  men  at  work, 
by  the  way  the  trees  fell."  This  is  not  the  picture 
of  a  lazy  man  !  The  real  truth  is  that  whatever 
Lincoln  did  he  did  it  with  his  might,  whether  it  was 
chopping  down  a  tree,  building  a  log  cabin,  reading 
a  book,  fighting,  or  making  an  election  speech.  It 
was  impossible  for  him  to  be  half-hearted  or  luke- 

54 


Law  and  Politics 

warm.  What  he  did  he  did  thoroughly,  and  on  the 
few  occasions  in  his  life  when  he  took  a  holiday,  or 
actually  was  '  lazy,'  it  is  quite  safe  to  say  he  utterly 
cast  away  work  and  played,  or  was  simply  '  lazy,' 
in  the  same  thoroughgoing  spirit. 

All  this  time  Lincoln  was  living  in  New  Salem.  In 
the  days  when  the  village  was  first  built  every  one 
hoped  it  would  grow  into  a  large  and  flourishing  town. 
Instead  of  this  it  dwindled  and  grew  smaller,  while 
Springfield,  some  few  miles  distant,  grew  steadily 
bigger.  Month  by  month  people  left  to  settle  in 
Springfield,  or  one  of  the  other  towns  near,  till  only 
a  handful  of  people  remained.  Lincoln  meanwhile 
had  been  made  postmaster  of  the  hamlet,  and  once 
a  week  he  received  the  letters  from  the  travelling 
postman.  There  were  not  many  letters — a  score  at 
the  most  for  the  whole  of  the  village — so  that  the 
duties  were  not  very  heavy.  The  postage  was  not  as 
a  rule  paid  by  the  sender,  and  thus  part  of  Lincoln's 
business  was  to  collect  the  money  due  from  the  re- 
ceiver. This  money  was  then  called  for  occasionally 
by  a  Post  Office  official.  There  were  often  many 
months  between  such  visits,  and  meanwhile  Lincoln 
would  keep  the  coins  he  had  received  from  the  country- 
people  carefully  wrapped  up  in  a  little  bag,  to  hand 
over  to  the  collector  when  he  next  came  round.  This 
might  not  be  for  a  year  or  more,  but  there  was  no 
fear  of  the  money  not  being  safely  there.  '  Honest 
Abe  '  had  not  won  his  nickname  for  nothing,  and 
every  one  knew  that  if  the  coins  were  in  Lincoln's 
care  they  were  as  safe  as  if  they  were  locked  up  in  a 
bank. 

The  duties  of  the  little  post  office  gave  Lincoln 

55 


Abraham  Lincoln 

plenty  of  spare  time  for  reading,  and  his  learning 
and  cleverness  became  such  a  matter  of  common  talk 
that  presently  a  friend  named  Mr  Calhoun,  a  county 
surveyor,  who  was  short  of  an  assistant,  offered  to 
take  him  into  his  service  if  he  would  undertake  to 
learn  surveying.  Lincoln  was  never  afraid  of  tackling 
something  new,  however  difficult,  and  before  very 
long  he  had  so  well  mastered  the  art  of  measuring 
roads  and  calculating  the  area  of  lands  that  he  was 
a  valuable  helper  to  Mr  Calhoun. 

This  new  work  lifted  Lincoln  for  the  first  time  in 
his  life  into  the  position  of  a  skilled  workman  with  a 
trade  of  his  own.  So  far  he  had  done  a  great  deal  of 
hard  work  with  his  hands.  He  had  been  a  carpenter, 
a  woodman,  a  carter,  a  farm-hand,  a  boatman,  a  shop- 
keeper, and  a  general  handy-man,  but  he  had  never 
done  work  that  depended  more  upon  his  brain  than 
upon  his  fingers,  and  he  found  surveying  a  new  and 
delightful  occupation.  He  was  no  longer  a  boy,  but 
a  man  of  twenty-five,  with  a  splendid  frame  and  a 
well-trained  mind.  Nevertheless  he  was  still  very 
ignorant  of  the  world,  and  knew  very  little  of  life 
beyond  Springfield.  Though  the  backwood  days 
were  long  since  over,  it  seemed  very  unlikely  that  he 
would  ever  rise  into  public  greatness.  A  seat  in 
Congress  was  the  height  of  his  ambition,  and  even 
that  seemed  a  wild  dream  little  likely  to  come  true. 
But  Lincoln  seldom  amused  himself  with  thinking 
much  about  the  future.  He  found  in  the  present 
more  than  enough  occupation,  and  he  was  always  so 
busy  wringing  the  full  worth  out  of  each  day's  ex- 
perience that  he  had  little  or  no  time  for  idle  thoughts, 
however  pleasant.  Many  a  shrewd,  hard-thinking 

56 


Law  and  Politics 

man  with  Lincoln's  abilities,  and  awake  to  his  own 
powers,  would  by  now  have  been  busy  considering 
how  he  could  best  fit  himself  to  get  some  benefit  for 
himself  from  the  State.  But  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
not  the  man  to  make  his  own  advantage  his  first 
consideration.  No  one  ever  cared  less  for  possessions 
than  he.  Money  meant  nothing  to  him,  except  as 
a  means  of  buying  what  was  necessary  in  life.  Houses, 
carriages,  fine  clothes,  and  all  the  many  possessions 
that  go  with  wealth  he  not  only  did  not  strive  to 
obtain,  but  he  did  not  care  for  them.  If  he  had  money, 
he  spent  it  in  getting  whatever  he  needed ;  if  he  had 
not  got  it,  he  did  not  worry.  Long  experience  of 
living  on  very  little  had  shown  him  that  wealth  is 
by  no  means  as  necessary  as  many  people  imagine, 
and  that  there  are  few  things  man  cannot  do  with- 
out. This  fine  carelessness  about  things  which  most 
men  hold  dear  did  not  vanish  with  increasing  import- 
ance, and  it  is  even  said  that  on  the  day  when  he 
travelled  up  to  Washington  as  President-elect  he  had 
to  borrow  part  of  his  fare  from  a  friendly  admirer. 
Thus  in  setting  himself  as  a  candidate  for  political 
honours  it  may  safely  be  said  that  Lincoln's  one 
thought  was  simply  to  be  of  public  use,  and  he  could 
always  truly  look  men  in  the  face  and'  say,  "  There 
is  nothing  I  have  craved  for  myself." 

At  the  moment,  however,  Lincoln  was  still  a  long 
way  from  the  honours -of  the  White  House.  He  was 
just  '  Honest  Abe  '  of  New  Salem,  a  fine  young  man 
of  twenty-five,  able  to  hold  his  own  with  any  one 
either  in  cutting  down  trees,  in  working  in  the  fields, 
in  running  a  race  on  the  village  green,  in  making  a 
stump  speech  in  the  village  store,  in  managing  a 

57 


Abraham  Lincoln 

handful  of  untrained  soldiers,  or  in  measuring  out  a 
road.  Another  election  for  the  Illinois  Legislature 
was  at  hand.  In  the  last  one,  though  not  elected, 
Lincoln  had  done  very  well.  His  name  had  been 
eighth  out  of  thirteen  competitors.  This  success 
encouraged  him  to  stand  again.  The  election  was 
to  take  place  in  August  1834.  As  before  there  were 
thirteen  candidates.  Among  them  was  Abraham 
Lincoln. 


CHAPTER  IX:  Public  Service 

WHEN  the  results  of  the  1834  election  for 
the  Illinois  Legislature  were  published, 
Lincoln's  name  was  this  time  among  the 
first  four  from  Sangamon  County.  He  was  now  a 
public  man,  with  public  duties  to  carry  out.  It  was 
an  important  change  in  his  life,  and  had  a  great  deal 
to  do  with  shaping  his  after-career.  Lincoln  was 
twenty-five  years  of  age,  but  in  mind  he  was  older 
than  his  years,  and  more  than  ripe  for  a  share  in  the 
government  of  others.  He  had  often  dreamt  of  being 
a  lawyer,  or  even  a  judge,  but  he  had  not  yet  realized 
that  it  was  the  inborn  statesman  in  him  from  which 
these  instincts  sprang.  His  experience  in  the  Legis- 
lature revealed  his  powers  to  himself  as  well  as  to 
others,  and  the  fine  spirit  of  his  declaration  in  which 
he  said  that  he  now  considered  himself  a  servant  of 
all  those  who  lived  in  Sangamon  County,  whether 
they  had  voted  for  him  or  not,  made  it  plain  that  he 
was  able  to  take  a  broad  view  of  his  responsibilities. 
Unlike  so  many  politicians,  he  did  not  set  himself 
merely  to  win  the  applause  of  those  who  supported 
him,  but  put  before  himself  the  far  larger  and  better 
aim  of  serving  the  whole  of  the  district  which  he  had 
the  honour  to  represent. 

This  width  of  view,  which  sets  Lincoln  apart  from 
other  men,  was  part  and  parcel  of  his  nature.  Public 
office  did  not  spoil  him,  nor  make  his  aims  narrower. 
To  the  last  day  of  his  life  he  was  the  servant,  not  of 
the  party  who  put  him  into  power,  but  of  the  country. 
And  though  no  man  was  ever  a  better  patriot,  he 
did  not  neglect  the  claims  of  the  world.  The  generous 

59 


Abraham  Lincoln 

sweep  of  his  eye  passed  beyond  the  bounds  of  America 
and  took  in  the  claims  of  suffering  humanity  every- 
where. Wherever  there  was  misery  or  oppression 
Lincoln's  sympathy  reached  out  to  it,  no  matter 
among  what  race  it  was  found. 

Lincoln's  election  in  1834  gave  him  a  public  position, 
but  it  did  not  make  him  wealthy.  During  the  session 
he  was  obliged  to  be  in  attendance  at  Vandalia,  which 
was  then  the  capital  of  Illinois,  but  when  the  term 
was  over  he  came  back  to  the  dwindling  village  of 
New  Salem,  where  he  worked  among  his  friends  as 
zestfully  as  ever  at  any  odd  occupation  that  came  his 
way.  A  lawyer  friend  and  colleague,  Major  Stuart, 
who  had  been  elected  at  the  same  time  as  Lincoln, 
had  been  very  kind  to  him  for  years,  lending  him  law 
books  and  encouraging  him  to  study.  Seeing  that 
Lincoln  had  now  worked  his  way  into  public  office, 
Major  Stuart  again  encouraged  him  to  qualify  to  be 
a  lawyer,  and  Lincoln,  only  too  delighted  at  the  pro- 
spect, gave  every  spare  moment  to  the  study  which 
he  found  so  fascinating.  Thus  '  Honest  Abe  '  began 
gradually  to  turn  away  from  the  simple  forms  of 
labour  by  which  he  had  hitherto  earned  his  living 
and  to  incline  more  definitely  toward  studies  which 
were  calculated  to  strengthen  his  intellect  and  develop 
the  wonderful  natural  logic  of  his  mind.  In  1836 
he  was  re-elected  to  the  Legislature,  and  again  in 
1838  and  in  1840,  during  all  which  time  he  was 
unconsciously  "  pluming  his  wings  for  a  flight,"  and 
preparing  himself  for  the  high  office  presently  to  be 
his. 

Most  of  Lincoln's  energy  in  1836  was  given  to  a  cam- 
paign in  which  he  opposed  the  Democratic  candidate 

60 


Public  Service 

for  the  Presidency.  He  had  always  been  a  great  admirer 
of  Henry  Clay  and  a  thorough  believer  in  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  Whig  party,'  and  he  now  threw  all  his 
strength  into  helping  to  oppose  Martin  Van  Buren, 
the  man  whom  the  Democrats  wanted  to  put  into 
office.  Lincoln  was  determined  that  as  far  as  it 
lay  in  his  power  he  would  help  to  win  this  cause  in 
favour  of  the  Whigs.  Up  and  down  the  country  he 
went,  making  stump  speeches  to  all  who  would 
listen  to  him,  and  speaking  with  such  earnestness 
and  sincerity,  that  his  audiences,  deeply  stirred  by 
the  sense  of  his  conviction,  came  away  feeling  that 
they  had  listened  to  a  man  who  not  only  knew 
how  to  speak  but  who  meant  every  word  that  he 
uttered.  Once  more  '  Honest  Abe  '  was  proving  him- 
self worthy  of  his  name,  and  binding  fresh  followers 
to  his  views,  not  by  a  smooth  manner,  fine  clothing, 
or  any  attractiveness  of  appearance,  but  by  the  force 
oi  his  arguments  and  the  deep  conviction  which  rang 
in  his  voice  and  shone  in  his  face. 

The  Democrats,  who  were  the  members  of  the 
opposite  party,  prided  themselves  on  representing 
the  hard-working,  toiling  classes  of  the  country,  and 
they  often  used  to  speak  of  their  opponents,  the  Whigs, 
as  "  silk-stockinged  gentry,"  "  rag  barons  with  lily- 
white  hands,"  and  in  other  terms  of  contempt.  But 
for  once  these  epithets  missed  their  mark  when  Lincoln 
stepped  upon  the  platform  as  the  champion  of  the 
Whigs.  Though  he  was  now  a  member  of  the  Legis- 
lature he  was  still  dressed  in  the  oldest  and  most 
homely  clothes.  No  one  who  saw  him  could  mistake 
him  for  anything  but  a  plain,  hard-working  man,  who 
had  all  his  life  been  used  to  toil  with  his  hands,  who 

61 


Abraham.  Lincoln 

had  eaten  the  plainest  of  plain  food  and  suffered  all 
the  hardships  of  the  poor.  This  appearance  stood  him 
in  good  stead  at  a  certain  public  meeting,  where  the 
chief  speaker  on  behalf  of  the  Democrats  was  Colonel 
Dick  Taylor,  a  dandified  man,  who  had  carefully 
covered  up  his  finery  for  the  time  being.  The  Colonel 
was  in  the  full  sweep  of  a  speech  in  which  he  professed 
to  scorn  luxury.  The  labouring  classes,  he  said, 
were  "  the  bone  and  sinew  of  the  land  " ;  it  was  they 
upon  whom  the  greatness  of  the  country  depended. 
At  this  point  by  an  unthinking  gesture  he  tore  away 
his  plain  covering  and  displayed  the  brave  clothes 
underneath.  With  his  usual  ready  wit  Lincoln  seized 
the  opportunity.  Jumping  upon  the  platform,  he  put 
his  very  large,  toil-coarsened  hand  on  his  breast  and 
said : 

"  Here,  gentlemen,  is  your  '  rag  baron  with  the  lily- 
white  hands.'  Here,  at  your  service,  is  one  of  your 
'  silk-stockinged  gentry  '  !  Yes,  I  suppose  I  am  even 
a  bloated  aristocrat !  "  He  had  no  need  to  say  any 
more.  Roars  of  laughter  filled  the  hall  and  people 
rocked  about  with  merriment.  For  all  practical 
purposes  the  meeting  was  over ;  victory  once  more 
lay  with  '  Honest  Abe.' 

Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  his  industry  and  his  tireless 
efforts,  all  Lincoln's  speeches  on  behalf  of  the  Whigs 
could  not  bring  their  candidate  into  office,  and  Martin 
Van  Buren,  the  Democratic  hero,  was  elected.  But 
Abraham  Lincoln's  speeches  were  not  forgotten.  By 
them  he  had  passed  from  village  fame  to  a  wider 
renown. 

As  a  boy  Lincoln  had  rapidly  grown  to  the  height 
of  a  man,  and  if  there  was  any  touch  of  vanity  in  him 

62 


Public  Service 

it  was  in  regard  to  his  inches.  Six  feet  four  in  height, 
he  easily  overtopped  most  men,  and  even  when  he 
was  President  it  was  said  that  on  more  than  one 
occasion  he  made  a  tall  visitor  submit  to  being 
measured  by  himself,  saying  briefly,  "  Let's  see 
who  is  the  taller,"  and  nothing  really  pleased  him 
more  than  to  find  the  advantage  lay  with  himself.  In 
the  same  way,  although  he  had  the  deepest  tenderness 
and  pity  for  all  creatures  that  were  weak,  in  speak- 
ing of  a  man  he  often  dwelt  upon  his  height,  and 
would  refer  to  him  as  "  the  smallest  man  I  ever 
saw,"  or  in  some  other  way  which  showed  that  he  was 
keenly  alive  to  the  difference  in  size  between  them. 
It  so  happened  that  in  1836,  when  Sangamon  County 
sent  up  its  delegates  to  the  Legislature,  they  were  all 
big  men,  and  being  nine  in  number  they  got  the  name 
of  '  the  Long  Nine.'  Tallest  of  all  was  Abraham 
Lincoln,  the  '  chief '  not  only  in  inches  but  in  intellect 
and  in  greatness. 

One  lasting  benefit  carried  out  by  '  the  Long  Nine ' 
was  the  removal  of  the  capital  of  Sangamon  County 
from  Vandalia  to  Springfield.  For  a  long  time 
Springfield  had  been  developing  rapidly,  and  it  had 
become  the  natural  centre  of  the  county,  so  that  it 
was  a  great  convenience  when  through  the  efforts  of 
'  the  Long  Nine '  it  took  its  place  as  the  capital. 
New  Salem,  the  little  village  to  which  Lincoln  had 
belonged  for  so  many  years,  had  at  one  time  been 
expected  to  grow  into  a  thriving  place,  but  its 
growth  had  been  hindered,  and  instead  of  becoming 
larger  it  got  smaller.  To  Lincoln  it  had  been  '  home  ' 
for  so  long  that  it  was  very  dear  and  familiar  to  him, 
but  it  was  not  by  any  means  the  most  helpful  back- 

63 


Abraham  Lincoln 

ground  for  a  young  man  anxious  to  make  his  way  in 
the  world,  and  consequently  it  was  a  great  benefit 
to  him  when  a  friend,  who  saw  that  Lincoln  was 
rather  hampered  by  the  place  in  which  he  lived,  in 
1837  invited  him  to  come  and  share  his  home  in 
Springfield. 

This  was  the  very  chance  Lincoln  needed.  He 
thankfully  accepted  it,  and  immediately  went  to  the 
capital,  where  he  tried  to  get  work  as  a  lawyer.  His 
old  friend  Major  Stuart  lived  at  Springfield,  and  soon 
after  Lincoln's  arrival  he  asked  him  to  join  his  firm 
as  a  partner,  and  thus  before  the  year  1837  was  out 
Lincoln  had  the  proud  experience  of  seeing  his  name 
flourishing  by  the  side  of  Major  Stuart's  as  '  Stuart 
and  Lincoln,  Attorneys  at  Law.' 


CHAPTER  X:   Thoughts  on 
Slavery 

IN  the  years  during  which  Lincoln  was  a  member  of 
'  the  Long  Nine '  in  the  Legislature  for  Sangamon 
County  the  question  of  slavery  was  not  very 
often  mentioned.  People  were  used  to  the  sight  of 
slaves,  and  the  idea  that  it  was  wrong  to  keep  them 
had  not  yet  taken  hold  of  the  nation.  There  had 
been  slaves  in  America  ever  since  1619,  when  a  Dutch 
ship  brought  a  cargo  of  African  slaves  to  Jamestown. 
Since  then  hundreds  of  slaves  had  been  imported,  till 
the  practice  was  so  common  that  it  was  seldom  re- 
marked upon.  This  traffic  in  slaves  was  soon  found 
to  be  a  splendid  way  of  making  money,  both  for  the 
owners  of  the  ships  with  the  carrying  trade  and  for 
the  masters  who  bought  the  negroes  and  made  them 
work  without  wages.  Not  only  America,  but  England, 
was  to  blame  for  this  terrible  trade  in  human  beings. 
English  shippers  found  that  money  rolled  into  their 
pockets  through  the  conveyance  of  the  poor  black 
people  to  America,  and  the  Government  more  or  less 
forced  America  to  take  their  cargoes.  Most  of  the 
Americans  were  quite  willing  to  have  a  share  in  the 
bargain.  Slaves  were  cheap  to  buy  and  they  could 
be  trained  to  work  hard,  and  so  both  Englishmen 
and  Americans  cheerfully  went  on  with  the  hideous 
business. 

Ever  since  his  second  voyage  to  New  Orleans,  when 

Lincoln  had  first  seen  the  slave-market,  the  thought 

of  the  suffering  negroes  had  dwelt  in  his  mind.     But 

he  was  not  a  man  to  let  kindness  of  heart  triumph 

E  65 


Abraham  Lincoln 

over  his  sense  of  justice,  and  though  he  hated  the 
idea  of  slavery  he  was  also  convinced  that  to  abolish  it 
instantly  would  be  to  make  out  of  a  great  evil  a  worse 
one.  This  view,  which  he  held  throughout  his  life,  was 
not  shared  by  every  one.  There  were  many  people 
who  saw  no  harm  in  slave-keeping ;  who  declared  that 
the  negro  was  better  off,  and  better  cared  for,  working 
as  a  slave  in  America  than  he  would  be  in  his  natural 
home.  These  were  the  pro-slavery  party.  On  the 
other  hand,  there  was  a  small,  but  steadily  growing, 
band  of  men  who  wanted  to  do  away  with  slavery 
altogether,  and  at  once.  These  were  the  Abolitionists, 
who  first  began  to  be  heard  of  in  1833. 

Lincoln  carefully  considered  both  views,  and  though 
he  promptly  agreed  that  slavery  was  wrong  and  ought 
to  be  put  down,  he  could  not  bring  himself  into  line 
with  those  who  wanted  to  abolish  it  without  any 
thought  of  the  consequences  that  would  follow.  His 
own  opinion  was  that  slavery  must  be  discontinued 
gradually,  and  that  this  was  the  only  safe  way  both 
for  masters  and  slaves.  He  held  that  the  masters 
would  need  compensation  for  the  loss  of  their  slaves, 
and  that  the  slaves  would  need  some  protection  in 
the  place  of  their  masters.  Thus  when  the  question 
happened  to  be  brought  up  before  the  Legislature 
to  which  '  the  Long  Nine '  belonged  Lincoln  and 
one  or  two  others  left  a  record  in  writing  of  their 
exact  opinions  on  the  matter.  This  is  what  they 
wrote : 

"  Resolutions  upon  the  subject  of  domestic  slavery 
having  passed  both  branches  of  the  General  Assembly 
at  its  present  session,  the  undersigned  hereby  protest 
against  the  passage  of  the  same. 


Thoughts  on  Slavery 

"  They  believe  that  the  institution  of  slavery  is 
founded  on  both  injustice  and  bad  policy,  but  that 
the  promulgation  of  abolition  doctrines  tends  rather 
to  increase  than  abate  its  evils." 

From  this  record  it  is  plain  that  though  Lincoln 
hated  slavery  he  was  not  an  Abolitionist,  in  so  far  as 
he  believed  that  to  free  the  slaves  suddenly  would 
be  a  bad  thing  both  for  the  slave  as  well  as  for  his 
master.  The  masters  had  paid  money  for  their 
slaves,  and  as  there  were  about  four  million  negroes 
in  the  country,  it  was  clear  that  they  represented  a 
great  deal  of  money.  At  the  same  time  they  were 
not  mere  chattels,  but  human  beings,  who,  whether 
willingly  or  not,  were  living  in  America.  Out  of  this 
last  fact  sprang  the  question,  Ought  they  to  have  a 
vote  in  the  country  which  they  were  forced  to  call 
their  home  ? 

Before  this  question  could  be  settled  several  things 
had  to  be  considered.  To  give  them  a  vote  meant 
putting  political  power  into  the  hands  of  a  huge 
number  of  people  unaccustomed  to  taking  any  share 
in  public  life,  and  giving  them  great  importance  in 
a  country  to  which  they  did  not  by  birth  belong. 
These  were  two  of  the  chief  problems  for  those  who 
studied  the  question  of  slavery,  but  above  them  rose 
a  third  question,  more  important  even  than  either 
of  the  others,  namely,  Was  slavery  morally  right  ? 
Or  was  a  man  who  bought  a  human  being  and  looked 
upon  him  as  his  property  doing  a  wrong  which  ought 
not  to  be  permitted  by  law  ? 

This  last  consideration  now  began  to  ring  loudly 
in  the  ears  of  every  American  citizen.  The  Abolition- 
ists were  ready  with  their  answer,  and  they  promptly 

67 


Abraham  Lincoln 

replied  that  slavery  was  morally  wrong.  The  pro- 
slavery  party  just  as  promptly  declared  that  slavery, 
was  not  only  justifiable,  but  right.  Between  these 
two  sections  lay  a  large  number  of  people  who  main- 
tained that  though  slavery  was  wrong,  it  ought  not  to 
be  abolished  all  at  once.  Foremost  among  these  more 
careful  students  of  the  question  was  Lincoln,  who 
boldly  held  that  though  slavery  was  morally  wrong, 
"immediate  and  complete  emancipation  would  also  be 
a  moral  wrong." 

Thus  the  question  of  slavery  was  gradually  forcing 
itself  into  notice,  though  several  years  were  still  to 
pass  before  it  was  to  become  of  burning  importance 
to  the  nation  in  general.  The  Civil  War  was  a  long 
way  off,  and  except  for  the  handful  of  Abolitionists, 
and  a  few  thoughtful  people  such  as  Lincoln,  very 
few  men  troubled  their  heads  about  the  matter.  All 
their  lives  they  had  seen  slaves  in  their  midst,  and 
they  were  well  content  to  let  them  remain  there. 
But  it  was  not  so  with  Abraham  Lincoln.  He  was 
by  no  means  content  to  let  things  remain  as  they 
were.  At  the  same  time  he  was  also  unwilling  to 
set  the  negroes  into  a  rapid  and  bewildered  freedom, 
which  would  be  worse,  and  more  dangerous  to  them- 
selves, than  bondage.  The  problem  of  finding  the 
best  way  out  of  the  difficulty  was  never  very  far  from 
his  thoughts,  but  he  said  little  about  it  to  any  one. 
He  had  not  yet  found  an  answer  to  it,  and  he  seldom 
spoke  on  any  subject  till  he  had  in  his  own  mind 
laid  down  the  lines  upon  which  he  meant  to  go.  Of 
this  much,  however,  he  was  certain :  justice  must 
come  even  before  mercy ;  and  from  this  conviction 
no  one  could  move  him. 

68 


Thoughts  on  Slavery 

It  was  about  this  time,  when  a  hundred  new 
problems  were  beginning  to  stir  in  his  mind,  that 
Lincoln  met  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  a  young  man  who 
was  to  be  his  political  rival  for  many  years.  Douglas 
was  a  few  years  younger  than  Lincoln,  and  he  was  a 
good  deal  smaller  in  height.  From  his  six  feet  four 
inches  '  Abe  '  could  comfortably  look  down  on  his 
rival,  but  on  every  other  point  they  were  fairly 
matched.  Douglas  had  a  powerful  brain,  a  very 
attractive  manner,  and  a  knack  of  getting  his  own 
way.  In  manner  and  appearance  he  easily  out- 
shone Lincoln,  who  still  appeared  in  a  coat  that  was 
too  short  and  trousers  that  seemed  to  have  shrunk. 
Douglas  had  been  born  in  a  humble  home,  but  he 
had  been  more  fortunate  than  Lincoln  in  seizing  those 
advantages  which  help  a  man  in  after-life.  He  had 
had  a  good  education,  and  he  knew  how  to  stand 
before  an  audience  without  feeling  awkward  or  ill 
at  ease.  "  The  Little  Giant,"  his  admirers  called  him, 
and  they  proudly  pitted  him  against  the  uncouth, 
long-legged,  plain-featured  Lincoln.  Many  a  time 
after  the  date  of  their  first  meeting  Lincoln  and 
Douglas  stood  together  as  rivals  on  a  public  platform, 
and  when  the  Douglasites  began  to  talk  of  "  the 
Little  Giant  chawing  up  old  Abe,"  the  followers  of 
Abe  used  triumphantly  to  point  out  that  Abe  couldn't 
be  '  chawed.' 

While  Lincoln  was  thus  unconsciously  preparing 
himself  for  the  great  career  which  lay  in  front  of  him 
he  was  making  his  living  by  doing  a  good  deal  of  hard 
work  both  in  Springfield  and  in  the  country  places 
round.  His  partnership  with  Major  Stuart  did  not 
last  very  long,  and  he  worked  for  a  short  time 

69 


Abraham  Lincoln 

with  Judge  Stephen  T.  Logan.  This  connexion  was 
followed  by  a  partnership  in  1843  with  a  lawyer  named 
William  H.  Herndon,  with  whom  Lincoln  remained 
till  he  gave  up  law  to  take  up  the  labours  of  the  White 
House. 

As  a  lawyer  Lincoln  was  remarkable  for  his  honesty 
and  for  his  efforts  to  persuade  people  to  settle  their 
difficulties  between  themselves  rather  than  in  the 
law-courts.  The  calculation  of  fees  never  entered 
Lincoln's  head  when  he  was  advising  a  client.  Fees 
honestly  earned  he  accepted  as  his  due,  but  he  never 
tried  to  make  business  merely  for  the  purpose  of 
bringing  money  into  his  own  pocket. 

"  Discourage  litigation,"  said  this  remarkable 
lawyer  ;  "  persuade  your  neighbours  to  compromise 
whenever  you  can.  Point  out  to  them  how  a  nominal 
winner  is  often  a  real  loser — in  fees,  expenses,  and 
waste  of  time.  As  a  peacemaker,  the  lawyer  has  a 
superior  opportunity  of  being  a  good  man.  There 
will  still  be  business  enough." 

On  another  occasion  he  turned  to  a  fellow  lawyer 
and  said  :  "  Swett,  the  man  is  guilty.  You  defend  him ; 
I  can't."  In  spite  of  his  tender-heartedness,  in  spite 
of  his  love  of  mercy,  Lincoln  was  never  blind  to  the 
difference  between  right  and  wrong,  and  to  defend 
a  man  whom  he  knew  was  a  rogue  was  not  only  dis- 
tasteful to  him,  but  a  thing  he  could  not  do. 


70 


SECTION  IV 

Years  of  Public  Recognition 
1842-1856 

(FROM  THIRTY-THREE  TO  FORTY-SEVEN) 

Let  us  stand  by  our  duty,  fearlessly  and  effectively.  Let 
us  be  diverted  by  none  of  those  sophistical  contrivances  where- 
with we  are  so  industriously  plied  and  belaboured — contriv- 
ances such  as  groping  for  some  middle  ground  between  the 
right  and  the  wrong,  vain  as  the  search  for  a  man  who  should 
be  neither  a  living  man  nor  a  dead  man  ;  such  as  a  policy  of 
1  don't  care,'  on  a  question  about  which  all  true  men  do  care  ; 
such  as  Union  appeals  beseeching  true  Union  men  to  yield  to 
disunionists,  reversing  the  Divine  rule,  and  calling  not  the 
sinners,  but  the  righteous  to  repentance  ;  such  as  invocations 
to  Washington,  imploring  men  to  unsay  what  Washington 
said,  and  undo  what  Washington  did. 

Neither  let  us  be  slandered  from  our  duty  by  false  accusa- 
tions against  us,  nor  frightened  from  it  by  menaces  of  destruc- 
tion to  the  Government,  nor  of  dungeons  to  ourselves.  Let 
us  have  faith  that  right  makes  might,  and  in  that  faith  let  us 
to  the  end  dare  to  do  our  duty  as  we  understand  it. 

Extract  from  a  speech  by  Lincoln  in  the  Cooper  Institute, 
New  York,  February  1860 


CHAPTER  XI:  In  Congress 

IN  1842  Lincoln  married  Mary  Todd,  a  lively, 
good-looking  girl  from  Kentucky.  Her  sister 
was  already  married  to  one  of  the  Sangamon 
'  Long  Nine,'  and  it  was  at  their  house  that  Lincoln 
had  first  met  his  bride.  Although  the  hard  days 
when  he  had  had  barely  anything  to  call  his  own 
were  gone,  Lincoln  was  still  very  far  from  being  rich. 
He  was  too  kind-hearted  and  too  honest  to  make 
much  money  out  of  law,  and  when  he  was  first  married 
he  and  his  wife  lived  for  some  time  at  a  humble  inn 
in  Springfield.  By  and  by  he  built  a  plain  but  com- 
fortable wooden  house,  and  here  they  made  their  first 
home.  Poor  as  he  was,  every  one  in  Springfield 
knew  and  respected  Lincoln.  No  one  was  a  greater 
favourite,  and  there  was  no  one  who  was  more  trusted 
and  loved. 

For  eight  years  Lincoln  had  done  good  service  as  a 
member  of  the  Legislature,  but  in  1840  he  refused 
to  stand  for  another  election.  The  Legislature  only 
managed  the  local  affairs  of  the  State,  and  though 
to  belong  to  it  was  an  honourable  and  important 
thing,  Lincoln  was  beginning  to  feel  that  he  would 
like  a  share  in  larger  national  matters. 

At  the  head  of  the  entire  country  \vas  the  President, 
who  was  assisted  by  a  number  of  secretaries,  chosen  by 
himself.  Below  the  President  and  his  secretaries 
were  two  important  bodies  of  men,  who  had  a  direct 
share  in  ruling  the  country.  The  first  of  these  was 
the  Senate,  to  which  each  State  sent  two  members, 
and  the  second  was  the  House  of  Representatives, 
consisting  of  some  hundreds  of  members.  The 

''73 


Abraham  Lincoln 

Senators  were  elected  for  six  years,  the  members 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  for  two  years.  The 
whole  body  assembled  to  make  new  laws,  discuss 
national  questions,  and  to  govern  the  country,  and 
thus  it  got  the  name  of  Congress.  It  was  toward 
Congress  that  Lincoln  now  turned  his  thoughts.  He 
had  won  enough  public  success  to  convince  him  that 
he  was  able  to  influence  and  inspire  people,  and  in 
Congress  he  saw  that  he  would  be  more  useful  to 
his  country  than  he  could  ever  be  if  he  were  to  remain 
a  private  citizen.  He  therefore  decided  not  to  stand 
again  for  the  Sangamon  Legislature,  but  to  try  to  get 
nominated  in  the  next  election  as  a  candidate  for 
Congress. 

Two  quiet  years  thus  passed  away.  The  country 
was  undisturbed  and  prosperous.  For  the  time  being 
the  slave  question  appeared  to  be  forgotten.  The 
slaves,  so  their  owners  said,  were  well  cared  for  and 
happy.  Why  trouble  about  them  ?  Ever  since  1820 
the  boundaries  of  sJavery  had  been  fixed.  In  that 
year  the  large  State  of  Missouri  had  been  admitted 
to  the  Union  as  a  slave  State.  A  great  many  people 
had  opposed  its  admission.  They  dreaded  the  in- 
crease of  slavery.  They  knew  that  every  time  a 
State  came  into  the  Union  it  meant  that  two  Senators 
would  be  elected  to  represent  it,  and  if  the  new  State 
were  in  favour  of  keeping  slaves,  then  the  Senators 
representing  it  would  certainly  uphold  slavery.  On 
the  other  hand,  even  if  a  State  came  in  as  a  free 
State  the  Senators  chosen  to  represent  it  might  not 
be  opposed  to  slavery ;  for  though  the  men  in  the  free 
States  did  not  keep  slaves,  they  were  not  all  opposed 
to  slavery,  and  thus  it  did  not  follow  that  the  Senators 

74 


In  Congress 

elected  by  the  free  State  would  be  against  slavery. 
One  of  them,  or  even  both,  might  be  in  favour  of 
slave-keeping.  The  greater  the  number  of  pro-slavery 
Senators,  the  more  power,  naturally,  they  had  in  Con- 
gress, and  the  less  chance  there  was  for  the  members 
opposed  to  slavery  to  make  their  voices  heard.  Thus 
it  became  a  very  important  question,  whenever  a 
new  State  was  admitted,  to  know  whether  she  came 
in  as  a  free  State  or  a  slave  State. 

Now  when  Missouri  wanted  to  come  into  the  Union 
she  applied  as  a  slave  State.  All  the  opposers  of  the 
slave  traffic  immediately  tried  to  prevent  her  admis- 
sion, and  the  country  was  in  a  great  state  of  excite- 
ment when  Henry  Clay  came  forward  in  1820  with  a 
Bill  which  afterward  became  famous  as  the  Missouri 
Compromise.  Clay  was  a  man  who  always  tried  to 
keep  the  peace  if  possible,  and  in  his  Bill  he  urged 
that  the  limits  of  slave  districts  should  be  definitely 
fixed,  that  Missouri  should  be  admitted  as  a  slave 
State,  but  that  after  her  admission  no  State  should 
come  in  as  a  slave  State  which  was  above  the  line 
36°  30'  on  the  map  ;  or,  in  other  words,  that  in  future 
all  States  lying  above  the  south  line  of  Missouri,  or 
west  of  her  western  boundary,  should  be  free.  This 
fixed  a  line  above  which  slavery  could  not  go,  and 
every  one  hoped  that  the  question  was  settled  for 
ever,  and  that  the  slaves  would  now  be  left  in  their 
present  condition  and  that  no  one  would  hear  any 
more  about  them.  But  though  the  question  was 
put  to  sleep  for  the  time  being,  it  was  not  to  remain 
asleep  for  ever.  By  and  by  it  would  awaken,  fresher 
and  stronger  for  its  long  rest,  for,  as  one  of  the  news- 
papers cleverly  put  it : 

75 


Abraham  Lincoln 

To  twice  kill  dead  a  rattlesnake, 
And  off  his  scaly  skin  to  take, 
And  through  his  head  to  drive  a  stake, 
And  every  bone  within  him  break, 
And  of  his  flesh  mincemeat  to  make, 
To  burn,  to  sear,  to  boil,  to  bake, 
Then  in  a  heap  the  whole  to  rake, 
And  over  it  the  besom  shake, 
And  sink  it  fathoms  in  the  lake, 
Whence,  after  all,  quite  wide  awake, 
Comes  back  that  very  same  old  snake  ! 

The  slave  question  was  the  '  old  snake,'  now  appa- 
rently dead,  but  by  and  by  to  rise  up  more  full  of 
life  than  ever. 

While  matters  were  still  in  this  quiet  condition 
there  was  an  election  for  Congress  in  1844.  Lincoln 
was  chosen  as  a  Whig  candidate.  In  spite  of  his 
many  friends  and  the  fact  that  he  was  a  growing 
favourite,  he  found  himself  defeated  at  the  poll.  He 
did  not,  however,  lose  heart.  "  Next  time,"  he  said, 
"  I  will  get  in."  His  keen  mind  had  begun  to 
realize  that  soon  great  things  would  be  afoot,  and  he 
determined  to  fight  his  way  into  Congress  in  order 
that  he  might  publicly  serve  his  country  in  the  crisis 
he  was  certain  was  not  far  off.  He  therefore  bided 
his  time  and  waited  for  another  opportunity.  Mean- 
while an  election  for  a  new  President  drew  near,  and 
Henry  Clay  was  a  candidate. 

Ever  since  his  boyhood  Lincoln  had  greatly  admired 
Henry  Clay.  He  saw  in  the  Whig  statesman  the 
embodiment  of  all  his  own  opinions,  and  he  flung 
himself  into  supporting  Clay  with  the  whole  of  his 
strength  and  enthusiasm.  The  Democratic  candidate, 

76 


In  Congress 

James  K.  Polk,  was  not  a  man  of  such  wide  renown 
as  Clay,  and  Lincoln  confidently  expected  that  his 
idol  would  get  in.  To  help  to  bring  this  result  about 
he  canvassed  the  country-side,  making  speeches  in 
Clay's  favour  not  only  in  Illinois,  but  also  in  his  old 
district  of  Indiana.  These  speeches  made  a  great 
impression  on  the  men  who  flocked  to  hear  them. 
Their  fairness,  their  shrewd  sallies,  and  their  splendid 
logic  showed  very  clearly  that  Lincoln  had  passed 
far  beyond  the  limits  of  an  everyday  speaker  and 
had  become  an  orator  with  a  statesmanlike  grasp  of 
affairs.  There  was  never  anything  mean  or  little 
in  his  speeches.  He  sincerely  thought  more  of  the 
cause  at  heart  than  of  any  personal  advantage,  and  on 
many  occasions  he  made  his  listeners  so  oblivious 
to  any  one  or  anything  except  the  matter  for  which 
he  was  pleading  that  he  lifted  them  on  to  a  nobler 
level,  where  they  forgot  about  themselves  and  their 
little  aims,  and  became,  like  the  speaker,  aglow  with 
a  desire  for  self-sacrifice. 

To  Lincoln's  intense  disappointment  Clay  was 
defeated  in  the  election,  and  in  1845  James  Polk,  the 
Democratic  choice,  stepped  into  power  at  the  White 
House.  Polk's  success  had  a  wider  importance  than 
some  people  at  first  imagined.  He  came  in  as  an 
upholder  of  slavery,  and  his  election  was  of  supreme 
interest,  because  Texas  at  the  moment  was  begging  for 
admission  to  the  Union  as  a  slave  State.  Her  claims 
had  been  strongly  supported  by  the  Southern  States, 
where  slavery  was  strongest.  The  fact  that  there 
were  more  slaves  in  the  South  than  in  the  North  was 
not  merely  due  to  the  fact  that  the  North,  generally 
speaking,  looked  upon  slavery  as  wrong,  but  was 

77 


Abraham  Lincoln 

caused  also  by  the  natural  conditions  of  the  South, 
which  led  her  to  need  slaves  much  more  than  the 
North.  In  the  North  most  of  the  men  and  women 
workers  were  employed  in  manufactures,  the  prepara- 
tion of  which  needed  skilled  labour,  such  as  white 
people  could  best  give.  But  in  the  South,  with  its 
warm,  trying  climate  and  its  rich,  moist  soil,  cotton 
was  the  chief  means  of  making  money,  and  since  the 
negro  slaves  could  stand  heat  which  would  overcome 
white  men,  it  became  a  fixed  rule  to  employ  them 
in  the  cotton  fields. 

As  time  went  on  the  rich  cotton  owners  relied  more 
and  more  on  the  labour  of  their  slaves,  and  especially 
was  this  so  after  1793,  when  a  clever  young  man, 
named  Eli  Whitney,  invented  a  cotton  gin,  or  machine, 
by  which  one  man  could  easily  clean  in  a  day  as  much 
as  50  Ib.  of  cotton.  The  whole  of  the  wealth  of  the 
rich  South  thus  depended  very  largely  upon  the 
labour  of  slaves,  and  it  was  evident  that  cotton- 
growers  would  not  give  up  their  negroes  without  a 
struggle.  Cotton  grew  easily  in  their  neighbourhood  ; 
the  fields  were  thick  with  crops  ;  no  men  were  so  suited 
by  nature  to  gather  these  crops  as  the  negroes,  who 
were  accustomed  to  a  hot  climate  and  could  stand  a 
long  day  in  the  fields  without  fainting.  If  their  slaves 
were  to  be  taken  from  them,  the  great  cotton-growers 
in  the  South  would  lose  their  best  helpers,  and  instead 
of  being  rich  they  would  be  thrust  into  poverty.  This 
consideration  made  them  shut  their  ears  to  the  argu- 
ment that  man  has  no  right  to  make  a  slave  of  a 
human  being,  and  in  reply  they  said  that  they  cared 
well  for  their  slaves,  many  of  whom  were  devoted 
to  their  masters.  In  some  cases  this  was  perfectly 

78 


In  Congress 

true,  but  nothing  could  alter  the  fact  that  by  keeping 
slaves  one  man  was  using  another  as  if  he  were  no 
better  than  a  horse  or  a  dog  to  be  bought  and  sold  at 
his  master's  will. 

Matters  were  in  this  position  when  an  agitation 
about  Texas  broke  out.  Up  till  1822  Texas  had  been 
one  of  the  few  possessions  of  Spain  in  America,  but 
in  that  year  Mexico  had  gained  her  freedom,  and 
Texas,  after  first  being  acknowledged  as  a  territory  of 
Mexico,  had  made  herself  independent.  Most  of  the 
land  was  wild  and  undeveloped,  and  for  a  long  time  it 
had  not  been  thought  worth  quarrelling  about,  but 
gradually  the  country  had  grown  more  civilized  and 
better  worked,  and  the  population  had  increased  very 
much.  As  a  result  of  this  improvement,  in  1844  the 
citizens  sent  in  a  claim  for  admission  to  the  Union. 
The  triumph  of  James  K.  Polk  and  his  election  as 
President  of  the  United  States  had  an  immediate 
effect  on  the  fortunes  of  Texas.  Without  waiting 
for  Folk's  term  of  office  formally  to  begin,  Congress 
agreed  to  the  demands  of  Texas  and  she  came  into 
the  Union.  Her  admission  meant  that  there  would 
be  two  new  Senators,  who  would  naturally  hold  pro- 
slavery  views.  This  was  a  fresh  blow  to  the  upholders 
of  freedom,  who  felt  they  must  now  work  harder  than 
ever  if  they  hoped  to  defeat  slavery,  in  so  far  as  every 
pro-slavery  Senator  meant  another  gun  in  the  fortress 
which  the  reformers  were  out  to  demolish.  Things 
did  not  look  very  well  for  the  anti-slavery  party, 
when  suddenly  the  attention  of  every  one  was  turned 
by  the  news  that  Mexico  had  gone  to  war  with  Texas 
over  the  question  of  her  geographical  boundary  line. 

79 


CHAPTER  XII:   War,  Law, 
and  Rlections 

THE  United  States  went  to  war  with  Mexico 
over  the  boundary  line  of  Texas.  The 
Legislature  of  Texas  held  that  the  river 
Rio  Grande  marked  the  end  of  their  territory,  but 
Mexico  declared  that  the  line  must  not  be  fixed  so 
far  west  as  the  river.  The  patch  of  ground  between 
the  two  points  was  not  of  much  value.  It  was  wild 
and  overgrown  and  of  no  great  size.  But,  looking 
into  the  future,  some  men  saw  that  the  strip  of  land 
which  then  seemed  worthless  might  later  on  become 
very  fertile  and  useful,  and  because  of  this  neither 
side  would  give  way. 

In  these  circumstances  there  was  nothing  for  it 
but  to  go  to  war,  and  the  new  President,  James 
Polk,  not  at  all  unwilling  that  there  should  be 
some  fighting,  sent  orders  to  General  Zachary  Taylor 
to  march  against  the  Mexicans.  The  General,  who 
was  an  old  and  experienced  soldier,  was  not  anxious 
to  rush  into  warfare,  but  the  command  of  the  Presi- 
dent had  to  be  obeyed  and  accordingly  he  made 
preparations  for  a  campaign.  '  Rough-and-Ready  ' 
his  men  called  him,  because  once  he  had  made  up  his 
mind  on  any  point  he  always  set  about  carrying  out 
his  plans  as  quickly  and  as  thoroughly  as  possible. 
The  chief  thing  at  the  moment  was  to  defeat  the 
Mexicans,  and  now  that  he  had  taken  the  business  in 
hand  '  Rough-and-Ready '  prepared  to  finish  it  as  fast 
as  he  could. 

To  do  this  he  gave  chase  to  the  Mexicans,  and 

80 


War,  Law,  and  Elections 

followed  them  into  their  own  territory,  where  he 
met  them  in  battle.  From  the  beginning  of  the 
campaign  it  had  been  plain  to  every  one  that  the 
Mexicans  were  sure  to  be  beaten,  but  the  enemy 
fought  very  bravely  and  General  Taylor's  task  was 
not  so  easy  as  he  had  at  first  thought  it  would  be. 
Seeing  this, '  Rough-and- Ready  '  redoubled  his  efforts, 
hoping  by  this  means  to  end  the  contest  quickly. 
A  good  many  Americans  had  not  been  anxious  for 
the  war  at  all.  They  thought  the  point  in  dispute 
was  not  worth  the  sacrifice  of  so  many  men,  and 
they  declared  that  if  President  Polk  had  not  been 
in  favour  of  fighting  the  matter  would  have  been 
settled  without  coming  to  blows.  Among  those  who 
opposed  the  struggle  was  Lincoln,  who  did  not  hesitate 
to  say  in  a  speech  which  he  made  in  Congress  that 
the  Mexican  war  had  been  "  unnecessarily  and  un- 
constitutionally commenced  by  the  President." 

Meanwhile  many  brave  and  courageous  men  had 
left  their  homes  and  gone  to  take  part  in  the  fighting. 
Hundreds  of  them  never  came  back.  A  year  passed  ; 
the  war  was  still  raging.  But  in  spite  of  their  long 
and  valorous  resistance  the  Mexicans  were  beginning 
to  realize  that  the  Americans  would  win,  and  less 
than  two  months  after  Lincoln's  speech  the  end  came. 
The  Mexican  Legislature  agreed  to  give  up  a  huge 
tract  of  land  to  the  United  States  Government,  and 
upon  this  peace  was  concluded.  By  this  transaction 
President  Polk  secured  territory  "  equal  in  area  to 
Germany,  France,  and  Spain  combined."  It  was  a 
splendid  triumph  for  him,  and  of  great  value  to  the 
United  States ;  but  nothing  could  bring  back  to  life 
the  heroic  men  who  were  buried  on  the  battlefield, 
F  81 


Abraham  Lincoln 

and  while  there  was  great  national  rejoicing  over  the 
victory  of  the  States,  many  homes  were  full  of 
mourning. 

While  the  war  was  still  raging  in  Mexico,  Lincoln 
had  won  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives  at 
Washington,  and  he  was  now  a  member  of  Congress. 
This  had  given  him  the  opportunity  to  make  the 
daring  speech  in  which  he  laid  the  blame  of  the 
Mexican  war  at  the  feet  of  President  Polk.  In  Con- 
gress he  was  an  odd  and  ludicrous  figure  in  an  assembly 
of  well-dressed,  smooth-spoken  men.  Lincoln  never 
learnt  the  art  of  wearing  his  clothes  comfortably, 
and  he  always  managed  to  give  the  impression  that 
he  had  outgrown  his  coat  and  trousers.  His  un- 
usually large  hands  never  lost  the  stamp  of  hard  toil ; 
they  were  anything  but  '  lily-white,'  and  announced 
loudly  to  every  one  that  their  owner  knew  how  to 
work.  His  strong,  rugged  face  was  not  handsome 
even  in  the  eyes  of  his  friends,  and  his  enemies, 
referring  to  his  giant  height  and  his  overlong  arms, 
would  speak  of  gorillas  and  hint  a  connexion,  or 
jeer  at  him  as  the  wild  man  from  the  backwoods. 
None  of  these  taunts  ever  troubled  Lincoln.  He  was 
too  large-minded  and  noble  a  man  to  allow  himself 
to  be  offended  by  slights  or  sneers.  Malice  hurt  him, 
but  he  never  repaid  it  in  kind,  and  he  quickly  forgot 
it  in  the  ready  excuses  for  the  slanderer  which  flashed 
into  his  generous  mind.  He  was  too  honest  to  try 
to  hide  his  origin,  or  to  pretend  that  he  had  sprung 
from  anything  but  the  humblest  home.  Nor  did  he 
go  to  the  other  extreme  and  affect  an  unnatural  pride 
in  his  lowly  birth.  He  was  simply  and  naturally 
himself,  ready  to  describe  to  the  curious  any  part  of 

82 


War,  Law,  and  Elections 

his  life  about  which  they  were  inquisitive,  but  stating 
his  facts  simply  and  clearly,  so  that  he  seemed  neither 
ashamed  nor  ostentatiously  proud  of  them.  '  Honest 
Abe  '  his  friends  still  called  him.  It  was  the  descrip- 
tion he  most  liked  to  hear,  and  the  term  he  most 
thoroughly  deserved. 

But  between  the  lawyer's  office  in  the  little  town 
of  Springfield  and  the  House  of  Representatives  at 
Washington  there  was  a  wide  difference,  and  though 
Lincoln  found  that  even  in  Washington  there  were 
many  simple  men  who  were  ready  to  welcome  him 
into  the  homely  familiarity  he  had  known  at  Springfield, 
there  were  others  who  were  more  hedged  in  by  con- 
ventions and  could  not  bring  themselves  readily  to 
accept  the  eccentricities  of  this  new  member.  At 
Springfield  he  was  a  leading  figure.  In  Washington 
he  was  only  one  among  many.  No  Congress  ever  held 
a  larger  number  of  clever  men  than  the  assembly  of 
1846,  and  Lincoln  could  not  hope  to  romp  into  fame 
wljen  he  was  one  of  a  company  which  included  the 
celebrated  orator  Daniel  Webster,  John  C.  Calhoun,  the 
passionate  upholder  of  the  rights  of  South  Carolina, 
Andrew  Johnson,  who  later  became  the  seventeenth 
President,  and  many  other  men  of  ability  and  genius. 

Among  this  brilliant  company  Lincoln  was  only  a 
plain  countryman  who  had  a  long  way  to  go  before 
he  could  win  the  ear  of  the  nation.  He  wisely  kept 
himself  a  good  deal  in  the  background,  and  at  the 
end  of  his  first  short  session  he  was  still  more  or  less 
unknown.  His  speeches  against  the  Mexican  war 
revealed  him  as  a  stern  upholder  of  the  Whig  doctrines, 
and,  more  important  than  this,  as  a  man  who  was  not 
afraid  to  have  views  of  his  own,  or  to  express  them 

83 


Abraham  Lincoln 

publicly.  But  on  the  whole  the  end  of  the.  session 
left  him  pretty  much  in  the  position  he  had  been  in 
at  the  beginning,  and  if  any  one  had  ventured  to 
point  him  out  as  the  man  who  would  some  day  become 
a  President  as  famous  as  the  great  George  Washington 
himself,  he  would  have  been  laughed  at  as  an  idle 
dreamer  and  a  teller  of  fairy  tales.  "  What !  " 
Lincoln's  enemies  would  have  cried,  "  That  man — 
that  gorilla — be  President  and  famous  !  Never,  while 
the  United  States  exist,  shall  that  fellow  rule  at  the 
White  House."  His  friends,  however,  took  a  different 
view.  "  Honest  Abe  is  the  equal  of  any  man  living," 
they  used  to  say  quietly.  "  Who  knows  what  he  may 
become  before  his  life  is  over  ?  "  As  for  Lincoln 
himself,  questions  of  future  greatness  seldom  passed 
through  his  mind  and  certainly  never  stayed  there. 
He  was  much  too  busy  unravelling  immediate  problems 
to  waste  his  time  in  thoughts  of  a  future  that  might 
never  come.  His  business  was  to  learn  how  best  to 
do  his  duty  to  the  State,  and  therefore  in  these  early 
days  in  Congress  he  listened  eagerly  to  others,  and 
steadily  gathered  impressions  which  he  digested  or 
rejected  in  his  characteristic  way.  Up  till  now  he 
had  had  few  opportunities  of  hearing  the  speeches 
of  great  politicians,  and  he  found  himself  deeply 
moved  by  some  of  the  addresses  he  heard.  "  I  just 
take  my  pen,"  he  wrote  at  this  time,  "  to  say  that 
Mr  Stephens  of  Georgia,  a  little,  slim,  pale-faced, 
consumptive  man,  with  a  voice  like  Logan's,  has  just 
concluded  the  very  best  speech  I  have  ever  heard. 
My  old  withered  eyes  are  full  of  tears  yet." 

With  the  close  of  the  Mexican  war  General  Zachary 
Tayloi  became  more  and  more  of  a  popular  hero,  and 

84 


War,  Law,  and  Elections 

when  there  was  a  new  election  for  the  Presidency 
in  1848  it  was  suggested  that  '  Rough-and-Ready ' 
should  have  the  honour  of  leading  the  nation.  As  a 
political  party  the  Whigs  had  been  opposed  to  the 
war,  but,  once  begun,  they  had  supported  it  and  now 
they  applauded  the  choice  of  the  old  soldier.  He 
had  no  more  hearty  supporter  than  Abraham  Lincoln. 
Not  content  with  expressing  his  own  desire  that 
Taylor  should  be  elected,  Lincoln  went  up  and  down 
the  country  making  speeches  in  the  General's  favour. 
Many  of  these  orations  were  delivered  in  Illinois, 
where  he  was  best  known  and  carried  most  weight 
by  his  words. 

In  due  time  Zachary  Taylor  won  the  election  and 
became  President,  and  Lincoln  not  unjustly  hoped 
that  he  would  show  that  he  had  appreciated  his 
services  by  giving  him  some  public  office.  The  post 
he  coveted  was  to  become  Commissioner  of  the  General 
Land  Works  at  Washington.  It  was  an  office  where  he 
felt  he  would  be  at  his  best,  and  he  was  confident  that 
he  could  carry  out  the  duties  well.  To  his  great  dis- 
appointment it  was  given  to  another,  probably  not 
from  any  ill-will  on  President  Taylor's  part,  but 
because  Lincoln  was  more  or  less  unknown  to  him, 
and  like  the  majority  of  people  he  had  not  yet  dis- 
cerned in  this  awkward-looking  giant  any  special 
promise  of  future  greatness.  To  the  General, 
Lincoln  was  only  one  of  a  host  of  helpers  and  sup- 
porters, and  he  no  doubt  thought  he  was  more  than 
repaying  him  for  his  electioneering  efforts  when 
he  offered  to  make  him  Governor  of  the  Oregon 
Territory.  Lincoln  was  frankly  disappointed.  Oregon 
was  a  long  way  off,  right  across  the  lofty  Rocky 

85 


Abraham  Lincoln 

Mountains.  If  he  went  there  would  he  ever  again 
be  heard  of  in  Washington  ?  Moreover,  so  far  off 
from  the  centre  of  things,  would  he  be  able  to  help 
to  ease  the  problem  of  slavery  which  was  daily  taking 
deeper  hold  of  his  mind  ?  With  all  these  reasons 
against  exiling  himself,  Lincoln  hesitated  to  accept 
the  post,  and  his  wife's  steadfast  opposition  to  the  idea 
of  going  so  far  afield  finally  decided  him  to  refuse 
the  office.  He  therefore  returned  a  polite  but  firm 
'  No  '  to  the  President,  and  once  more  he  stepped 
down  into  private  life  at  Springfield.  As  a  lawyer 
his  services  were  always  in  demand  among  those  who 
knew  of  his  unflinching  honesty,  and  a  few  very 
quiet  but  busy  years  at  home  followed.  Though 
for  the  time  being  he  was  out  of  the  public  eye,  Lincoln 
was  gathering  strength  for  the  greatness  which  lay 
before  him,  and  these  peaceful,  happy  years  were 
not  without  their  importance  in  his  unconscious 
preparation  for  an  office  far  higher  than  any  he  could 
have  found  in  Oregon. 


CHAPTER  XIII:  The  Slavery 
Question  Again 

THE  imaginary  line  which  the  Americans  had 
drawn,  dividing  the  land  that  was  free 
from  the  land  that  was  slave-owning,  cut 
through  California,  so  that  although  the  greater  part 
lay  above  the  line  36°  30',  some  of  it  lay  below.  The 
people  in  the  Southern  States  of  America  therefore 
hoped,  and  even  expected,  that  California  would  be 
allowed  to  enter  the  Union  as  a  slave  State ;  the 
North  was  just  as  resolved  that  she  must  be  free. 
The  discovery  of  gold  in  California  made  the  ques- 
tion all  the  more  important.  Scores  of  would-be-rich 
young  men  hurried  off  to  seek  their  fortunes  across 
the  Rocky  Mountains. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  every  State  had  the 
right  of  electing  two  Senators,  who  held  office  for  a 
period  of  six  years.  Therefore  if  California  was  to  be 
admitted  as  a  free  State  she  would  in  all  probability 
return  two  Senators  who  would  be  opposed  to  the  traffic 
in  slaves.  The  South  knew  that  if  this  were  to  happen 
its  power  would  be  correspondingly  lessened,  and  the 
North  would  gain  in  political  influence. 

Matters  were  in  a  state  of  great  excitement  when 
Henry  Clay,  the  statesman  who  was  always  quick  to 
see  a  way  out  of  any  difficulty,  came  forward  with  a 
plan  he  thought  would  please  every  one.  To  satisfy 
the  North  he  suggested  that  California  should  be 
admitted  as  a  free  State,  and  to  please  the  South  he 
suggested  that  Congress  should  pass  a  severe  law 
about  runaway  slaves,  by  which  edict  any  man  in  a 

3? 


Abraham  Lincoln 

free  State  who  found  a  fugitive  slave  taking  shelter 
should  not  help  him  to  gain  his  freedom  but  take  him 
back  to  his  master.  This  was  a  very  important  law 
from  the  point  of  view  of  the  South,  as  it  practically 
declared  that  slaves  were  '  property,'  which  was 
only  another  way  of  saying  that  once  they  belonged 
to  their  master,  either  by  being  bought  from  another 
owner  or  by  being  born  of  a  slave,  they  belonged 
to  that  master  entirely,  and  were  as  completely  in 
his  power  as  his  horses  or  his  dogs. 

Thus  although  Henry  Clay's  compromise  on  the  one 
hand  helped  the  opponents  of  slavery,  on  the  other 
hand  it  did  a  great  service  to  those  who  believed  in 
keeping  slaves.  At  a  time  of  such  unrest,  however, 
people  were  glad  to  find  any  way  out  of  the  difficulty, 
and  in  1850  Clay's  ideas  were  put  into  a  Bill  and 
became  law.  Many  men  now  said,  "  Well,  there's 
an  end  of  all  this  slavery  discussion  at  last.  We  shall 
never  hear  any  more  about  it  " ;  but  a  few  of  the 
shrewder  and  more  thoughtful  realized  that  the 
question  was  not  by  any  means  settled,  but  coming 
gradually  to  a  climax,  after  which  anything  might 
happen. 

These  prophets  soon  found  what  they  feared  coming 
true.  -The  Bill  only  pacified  men  for  the  time  being, 
and  presently  dissatisfaction  began  to  gather.  The 
Southerners  were  vexed  because  California  had  been 
allowed  to  enter  the  Union  as  a  free  State,  and  the 
Northerners  hated  the  runaway  slave  clause,  which 
forced  them  to  hand  back  a  fugitive  slave  to  his  master. 

A  passionate  plea  for  altering  these  conditions 
appeared  in  1852  when  Mrs  Harriet  Beecher  Stowe 
published  her  story,  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin.  This  moving 


The  Slavery  Question  Again 

narrative,  which  first  appeared  in  The  National  Era, 
quickly  leapt  into  world-wide  fame  and  had  an 
immense  influence  upon  public  opinion.  Many  who 
never  concerned  themselves  with  social  or  political 
problems,  either  from  want  of  time,  disinclination,  or 
because  they  did  not  understand  them,  read  this  simple 
story  and  became  fervently  on  the  side  of  the  slaves. 

These  developments  in  the  national  attitude  to- 
ward the  question  of  slavery  were  keenly"  watched  by 
Lincoln.  He  saw  that  before  long  a  storm  was  bound 
to  come.  For  the  moment  there  was  peace,  but 
there  were  clouds  in  the  sky.  What  would  be  the 
best  way  of  dealing  with  the  deluge  when  it  burst  ? 
This  was  the  question  that  he  thought  about  from 
morning  to  night.  Meanwhile  there  was  a  new 
Presidential  election,  and  in  1853  Franklin  Pierce 
began  to  rule  in  White  House.  He  was  a  Democrat, 
and  though  not  a  Southerner,  he  was  inclined  to  show 
special  favour  to  the  South.  His  election,  therefore, 
made  still  stronger  the  cause  of  the  Southern  slave- 
holding  States. 

Since  the  time  when  he  had  refused  the  post  of 
Governor  of  Oregon,  Lincoln  had  been  living  a  quiet, 
simple  life  at  Springfield,  so  busy  in  his  law  occupa- 
tions that  he  seemed  almost  to  have  forgotten  the 
problems  of  politics.  Like  the  rest  of  the  nation  he 
was  startled  in  1854  by  the  news  that  the  Missouri 
Compromise  was  in  danger  of  being  repealed,  and 
the  idea  of  such  a  catastrophe  drove  him  into  sudden 
and  decisive  action.  The  pleasant  familiarities  of 
Springfield  and  home  and  the  practice  of  law  had 
been  sufficient  to  fill  his  attention  lately,  but  with 
this  new  and  sudden  danger  in  front  of  him  he 


Abraham  Lincoln 

instinctively  prepared  for  a  fight,  and  brushing  aside 
all  thoughts  of  personal  convenience  or  comfort  he 
marshalled  his  energies  for  a  bigger  campaign  than 
any  he  had  yet  endured.  If  the  Missouri  Compromise 
was  to  be  repealed,  then  the  pro-slavery  party  would 
be  immensely  strengthened,  and  the  condition  of  the 
slave  would  be  a  hundred  times  worse  than  ever  it 
had  been.  Besides  this,  who  could  tell  where  the 
believers  in  slavery  would  stop  once  they  had  got  a 
free  hand  ?  At  present  there  were  slave  States  and 
free  States,  but  suppose  slavery  gained  ground  ? 
Suppose  the  slave-owners  were  to  triumph  ?  What 
if  there  were  no  free  States  at  all  ?  "  We  shall,"  said 
Lincoln,  a  little  later,  "  lie  down  pleasantly  dreaming 
that  the  people  of  Missouri  are  on  the  verge  of  making 
their  State  free,  and  we  shall  awaken  to  the  reality 
instead,  that  the  Supreme  Court  has  made  Illinois  a 
slave  State."  This  fear,  though  as  yet  unspoken,  was 
already  alive  in  Lincoln's  mind,  and  he  thought  fear- 
fully of  a  day  when  the  dark  cloud  of  slavery  might 
oppress  the  whole  land.  To  prevent  this  he  once 
more  flung  himself  heart  and  soul  into  politics,  and 
by  this  means  he  came  up  against  his  old  rival,  '  the 
Little  Giant,'  Stephen  A.  Douglas. 

While  Lincoln  had  been  forced  to  spend  the  greater 
part  of  his  life  unheard  of  by  the  larger  world,  Douglas 
had  been  surely  and  rapidly  making  his  way  to  "the 
top  of  the  hill.  He  had  many  gifts  which  Lincoln 
was  without,  and  since  he  was  ready  to  adapt  himself 
to  the  wishes  and  beliefs  of  his  party  he  was  always 
popular  and  very  much  liked.  Lincoln's  sterner 
character,  and  his  rigid  refusal  to  yield  to  popular 
wishes  if  they  -clashed  with  his  personal  conviction, 

90 


SLAVES  AT  WORK   IN   THE  COTTON   FIELDS 
Florence    Meyerheim 


The  Slavery  Question  Again 

gained  him  the  admiration  of  men  who  could  appre- 
ciate his  strength  of  mind,  but  offended  shallower  men 
who  followed  public  opinion  instead  of  seeking  for 
conclusions  of  their  own.  These  latter  people  always 
found  Douglas  a  much  more  agreeable  speaker  than 
Lincoln,  and  whenever  he  appeared  on  a  public 
platform  he  was  attended  by  a  crowd  of  enthusiastic 
supporters.  In  the  present  contest,  therefore,  Douglas 
began  with  a  good  many  advantages.  Handsome, 
popular,  well-mannered,  and  a  good  speaker,  he  was 
at  first  sight  easily  superior  to  the  awkward,  plain- 
featured,  untutored  Abraham  Lincoln.  Nevertheless, 
those  who  believed  in  Lincoln  were  ready  to  uphold 
him  against  the  world,  and  when  they  heard  he  was 
entering  the  lists  against  Douglas  they  did  not  for 
one  minute  doubt  but  that  instead  of  '  the  Little 
Giant'  -chawing  up'  'Honest  Abe/  Douglas  would 
find  himself  the  person  '  chawed.' 

The  Bill  which  sought  to  repeal  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise was  not  called  by  that  name.  The  instru- 
ment of  repeal  was  only  one  clause  in  a  wider  Bill 
which  was  known  as  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill.  At 
this  time  Kansas  and  Nebraska  were  wild  and  un- 
developed districts,  where  only  a  small  handful  of 
settlers  lived.  Douglas  now  (1854)  proposed  that 
these  two  districts  should  be  organized  as  territories, 
and  that  the  question  whether  they  should  be  free 
States  or  slave  States  should  be  decided  by  the  people 
actually  living  there. 

At  first  sight  this  seemed  a  very  reasonable  plan. 
Douglas  called  it  the  doctrine  of  '  popular  sove- 
reignty,' and  under  that  name  it  was  hailed  by  a 
great  many  people  as  a  sensible  and  splendid  idea. 

91 


Abraham  Lincoln 

"What  could  be  better,"  they  said,  "than  to  let 
the  people  actually  living  there  decide  for  themselves 
whether  they  would  like  slaves  or  not  ?  "  But  Kansas 
and  Nebraska  both  lay  north  of  the  geographical 
line  fixed  as  the  boundary  of  slavery  by  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  and  therefore,  unless  the  Bill  were  re- 
pealed, they  would  both  be  obliged  to  come  into  the 
Union  as  free  States.  '  Popular  sovereignty '  could 
not  be  tried  unless  the  terms  of  the  Compromise  were 
altered.  To  get  over  this  difficulty  a  clause  repealing 
the  Compromise  was  therefore  added  to  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill.  This  was  only  a  matter  of  convenience, 
so  the  upholders  of  the  Bill  argued ;  it  would  not 
really  affect  the  States  in  any  way  ;  it  was  only  throw- 
ing down  an  obstacle  which  stood  in  the  way  of  the 
people  in  these  two  new  territories,  Kansas  and 
Nebraska,  to  prevent  them  from  using  their  own 
judgment.  Surely  every  man  had  a  right  to  decide 
for  himself  whether  he  was  in  favour  of  keeping  slaves 
or  not  ?  and  in  the  same  way,  every  State  ought  to 
have  the  right,  by  which  the  whole  of  its  citizens 
joined  together  would  have  the  power  to  decide 
whether  they  would  have  their  State  a  free  State  or  a 
slave  State. 

This  reasoning  caught  the  fancy  of  a  large  part  of 
the  nation,  and  without  thinking  what  the  actual  con 
sequences  of  doing  away  with  the  Missouri  boundary 
might  be,  or  what  tyranny  might  be  hidden  under 
the  pleasant  features  of  '  popular  sovereignty,'  thou- 
sands of  men  impulsively  decided  that  Douglas  was 
right  and  his  new  Bill  a  splendid  measure.  Popular 
feeling  was  decidedly  on  the  side  of  '  the  Little  Giant ' 
when  Abraham  Lincoln  stepped  quietly  in. 

92 


CHAPTER  XIV:  A  Great 


LINCOLN  realized  at  once  that  the  new  question 
over  Kansas  and  Nebraska  was  only  an  in- 
dication Of  a  great  crisis.  With  more  than 
his  usual  solemnity  he  prepared  himself  to  fight 
against  the  proposal  of  Douglas — the  outwardly  at- 
tractive suggestion  that  the  people  in  Kansas  and 
Nebraska  should  themselves  decide  whether  their 
States  should  be  slave  or  free.  At  Springfield,  and 
afterward  at  Peoria,  he  spoke  in  the  same  solemn  vein, 
and  men  who  had  been  accustomed  to  hearing  him 
add  glitter  to  his  debates  by  shrewd  thrusts  of  humour 
or  amusing  stories  complained  that  he  was  getting  too 
serious.  "No  one  laughs,"  they  said;  "  why  don't 
you  introduce  a  few  of  the  stories  you  are  famed  for 
relating  ?  "  To  this  Lincoln  replied  gravely  :  "  The 
occasion  is  too  serious.  The  issues  are  too  grave. 
I  do  not  seek  applause,  or  to  amuse  the  people,  but 
to  convince  them."  It  was  no  time  for  merriment  or 
for  relaxation,  but  an  hour  for  soberness  of  thought, 
when  men  must  gird  up  their  loins  and  prepare  to  do 
battle  for  what  they  held  to  be  right. 

Lincoln  had  never  been  the  man  to  pretend  a  belief, 
and  now  when  he  stood  before  his  hearers  and  tore 
to  shreds  the  comfortable  and  attractive  doctrine 
of  '  popular  sovereignty,'  which  was  supported  by  all 
the  brilliance  of  Douglas's  clever  tongue,  he  seemed 
like  some  prophet  of  old  risen  from  the  dead  to 
announce  a  crusade  of  righteousness.  This  impression 
was  all  the  stronger  because  it  was  well  known  that 

93 


Abraham  Lincoln 

he  was  not  a  speaker  who  spoke  at  random  or  who 
chose  his  words  to  accord  with  the  inclinations  of  the 
people  before  him.  He  had  always  thought  for  him- 
self, and  said  what  he  thought,  and  in  this  mood 
of  new  intensity  his  words  fell  from  his  lips  not 
merely  with  a  deliberate  but  a  final  air.  The  most 
careless  grew  grave  before  such  solemnity.  The 
faces  of  his  audience  fell  into  stern  repose ;  their 
set  brows  and  motionless  bodies  told  how  deeply 
they  were  attending  ;  the  whole  building  was  caught 
in  a  hush.  The  Kansas  and  Nebraska  problem 
swelled  into  a  world-question.  The  glory  of  being 
free  suddenly  illumined  the  mind  of  every  man 
present.  The  blackness  of  slavery  stood  out  with 
terrible  and  startling  distinctness,  and  each  one 
realized  as  never  before  what  it  really  meant  to  be 
bound  by  no  living  man.  In  clear-cut,  convincing 
words  Lincoln  declared  that  there  was  no  better 
doctrine  than  the  doctrine  of  self-government.  But 
real  self-government  and  the  self-government  approved 
of  by  Douglas  were  two  very  different  things.  Self- 
government  allowed  a  man  to  govern  himself ;  it 
did  not  permit  him  to  govern  another  man.  If  a 
man  kept  a  slave,  then  that  slave  had  no  self-govern- 
ment. "  When  the  white  man,"  said  Lincoln,  "  governs 
himself,  that  is  self-government ;  but  when  he  governs 
himself  and  also  governs  another  man,  that  is  more 
than  self-government — that  is  despotism.  .  .  .  There 
can  be,"  he  went  on,  "no  moral  right  in  the  enslaving 
of  one  man  by  another.  .  .  .  Little  by  little,  but 
steadily  as  man's  march  to  the  grave,  we  have  been 
giving  up  the  old  for  the  new  faith.  Near  eighty 
years  ago  we  began  by  declaring  that  all  men  are 

94 


A  Great  Speech 

created  equal ;  but  now,  from  that  beginning,  we  have 
run  down  to  the  other  declaration,  that  for  some  men 
to  enslave  others  is  a  '  sacred  right  of  self-govern- 
ment.' These  principles  cannot  stand  together. 
They  are  as  opposite  as  God  and  Mammon."  In 
uttering  these  last  grave  and  powerful  words  Lincoln 
drew  himself  to  his  full  height,  and  the  audience,  gazing 
fascinated  at  his  tall  form,  motionless  with  passion, 
felt  a  sudden,  firm  conviction  that  here  was  the  truth. 

Douglas  and  Lincoln  had  been  friendly  rivals  for 
many  years.  Over  and  over  again  circumstances 
had  happened  to  bring  them  up  against  each  other. 
'  The  Little  Giant '  was  himself  a  man  of  great  ability, 
but  he  knew  that  in  Lincoln  he  had  found  his  equal, 
if  not  his  superior.  His  friends  were  inclined  to 
laugh  at  '  Honest  Abe/  to  make  fun  of  his  homeli- 
ness and  his  awkward  ways,  but  Douglas  himself 
knew  better,  and  when,  in  connexion  with  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  he  was  urged  to  meet  his  rival 
in  public  debate,  he  remarked  to  those  friends  who 
said  he  would  soon  make  an  end  of  the  backwoods- 
man :  "  Gentlemen,  you  do  not  know  Mr  Lincoln. 
I  have  known  him  long  and  well,  and  I  know  I  shall 
have  anything  but  an  easy  task.  I  assure  you  that 
I  would  rather  meet  any  man  in  the  country,  in  this 
joint  debate,  than  Abraham  Lincoln." 

While  people  were  still  talking  about  Lincoln's 
great  speeches  an  election  for  a  new  Senator  drew 
near  The  Whig  party  stood  by  Lincoln  and  hoped 
to  secure  the  honour  for  him.  It  was  a  position 
Lincoln  would  very  much  have  enjoyed.  A  Senator 
held  his  seat  for  six  years,  and  for  a  long  time  this 
office  had  been  the  height  of  Lincoln's  ambition. 

95 


Abraham  Lincoln 

Not  once,  nor  twice,  but  many  times  in  his  life  dis- 
appointment had  come  his  way,  and  though  he  was 
prepared  to  fight  for  the  honour  with  all  his  power, 
he  was  also  prepared  to  take  a  defeat  cheerfully. 
When  the  contest  opened  he  discovered  that  he  had 
against  him  not  only  a  pure  Democratic  candidate, 
but  an  Anti-Nebraska  Democrat,  or  a  member  of 
that  branch  of  the  Democratic  party  opposed  to 
the  Nebraska  Bill  which  Douglas  wished  to  carry 
through.  Lincoln  quickly  saw  that  if  he  himself 
were  not  standing  many  people  who  would  vote  for 
him  would  vote  for  Lyman  Trumbull,  the  Anti- 
Nebraska  Democrat ;  whereas,  if  he  still  remained 
in  the  contest,  some  men  would  vote  for  him  and 
some  for  Trumbull,  with  the  result  that  neither 
would  get  enough  to  beat  the  Democratic  candidate. 
Therefore,  rather  than  let  this  catastrophe  happen,  he 
withdrew  from  the  contest  in  favour  of  Trumbull. 

As  Lincoln  had  foreseen,  Trumbull  was  elected, 
and  though  by  standing  aside  Lincoln  had  lost  the 
post  he  had  coveted,  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  know- 
ing that  he  had  defeated  the  Democratic  party  and 
that  Illinois  was  now  represented  by  an  opponent 
of  Douglas.  Delight  in  this  victory  was,  however, 
presently  mingled  with  bitter  disappointment,  for 
although  the  opponents  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill 
were  gradually  gathering  strength  and  importance, 
they  were  still  not  powerful  enough  to  defeat  the 
vote  of  the  Democrats,  and  accordingly  in  1854 
Douglas  carried  his  Bill,  and  Kansas  and  Nebraska 
were  called  upon  to  decide  for  themselves  whether  they 
would  be  free  or  whether  they  would  be  slave-owning. 

Q6 


SECTION  V 

Years  of  Leadership 
1856-1860 

(FROM  FORTY-SEVEN  TO  FIFTY-ONE) 

When  the  white  man  governs  himself,  that  is  self-govern- 
ment ;  but  when  he  governs  himself  and  also  governs  another 
man,  that  is  more  than  self-government — that  is  despotism. 
.  .  .  Near  eighty  years  ago  we  began  by  declaring  that  all 
men  are  created  equal ;  but  now,  from  that  beginning,  we  have 
run  down  to  the  other  declaration,  that  for  some  men  to 
enslave  others  is  a  '  sacred  right  of  self-government.'  These 
principles  cannot  stand  together.  They  are  as  opposite  as 
God  and  Mammon ;  and  whoever  holds  to  the  one  must 
despise  the  other. 

Extract  from  speech  by  Lincoln  at  Peoria, 
Illinois,  1854 


CHAPTER  XV:  The  Republican 
Party 

WHEN  a  cannon  boomed  out  from  Washington 
City  in  May  1854  all  who  heard  it  knew 
that  it  meant  that  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
Bill  had  become  law.  Some  men  smiled  with  satis- 
faction at  the  sound,  but  the  faces  of  others  grew 
dark  and  lowering.  Here  and  there  little  knots  of 
excited  people  discussed  what  the  passing  of  the 
Bill  would  mean.  "  The  triumph  of  Nebraska,"  cried 
one  man.  "  Her  ruin,"  answered  another.  Both 
parties  were  agreed  on  one  point,  that  the  upholders 
of  slavery  had  gained  a  success,  and  that  slavery 
was  stronger  than  ever.  "  All  the  more  reason  why 
we  should  fight  against  it  even  harder  than  before," 
said  the  courageous,  but  less  bold  reformers  turned 
away  sighing.  The  future,  they  felt,  was  very  black. 
Who  could  say  what  the  end  would  be,  or  where 
slavery  would  stop  ? 

Presently  these  dark  reflections  seemed  justified 
by  news  which  came  from  Boston,  where  an  escaped 
slave  was  dragged  from  his  refuge  and  conducted 
by  an  armed  guard  to  the  ship  which  was  to  convey 
him  back  to  his  master.  The  master  owned  him, 
and  therefore  by  law  he  must  be  returned.  But 
humane  onlookers  who  watched  the  procession  and 
saw  the  poor  wretch,  one  against  many,  felt  their 
hearts  stirred  with  pity  for  him,  and  the  question, 
"Is  it  right  for  one  man  to  own  another  ?  "  kept 
repeating  itself  in  their  minds. 

The  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  had  become  law  largely 
99 


Abraham  Lincoln 

because  a  great  many  people  had  never  paid  any 
serious  heed  to  the  position  of  the  slaves,  but 
the  problem  was  now  being  thrust  upon  them  so 
forcibly  that  they  could  not  pass  it  by.  In  this 
change  lay  the  slaves'  greatest  hope.  The  stronger 
grew  public  feeling  against  slavery,  the  more  chance 
was  there  of  the  public  voice  making  itself  heard.  Thus 
the  sight  of  the  Boston  slave  going  back  into  bondage 
had  a  greater  influence  than  the  miserable  fugitive 
ever  knew.  "  Why  should  we,  who  have  no  slaves," 
said  the  Bostonians,  "  be  obliged  to  uphold  a  trade 
that  we  abhor  ?  "  and  one  more  stone  was  thus  loosened 
in  the  strong  castle  of  slavery. 

Before  very  long  the  opponents  of  slavery  found 
a  new  cause  for  alarm.  It  was  whispered  that  the 
Government  were  trying  to  buy  Cuba  from  Spain. 
The  reason  they  gave  for  wanting  Cuba  was  that  the 
island  would  be  of  great  value  to  the  States  in  matters 
of  commerce  and  trade.  "  In  what  way  will  she  be 
useful  ?  "  asked  shrewd  men.  "  Her  only  importance 
will  be  in  the  production  of  cotton  and  the  trade  in 
slaves.  This  talk  about  her  value  to  the  nation  is 
merely  a  blind.  The  annexation  is  only  wanted  by 
the  slave-owners  as  a  means  of  strengthening  their 
hands.  Why  should  we,  who  detest  slave-keeping,  have 
to  pay  heavy  taxes  for  the  purchase  of  Cuba  merely 
to  put  money  into  the  pockets  of  slave-dealers  ?  " 

Thus  a  fresh  outcry  arose,  which  was  only  one 
more  proof  that  the  opponents  of  slavery  were  getting 
bolder  and  more  determined  not  to  be  deceived  by 
the  wiles  of  unscrupulous  politicians. 

While  all  these  new  ideas  were  in  the  making  great 
changes  began  to  take  place  in  the  political  parties 

100 


The  Republican  Party 

which  were  known  in  the  country.  The  Democrats 
came  out  openly  as  the  supporters  of  slavery;  the 
Whigs  began  to  break  up  and  separate ;  while  a 
small  group,  nicknamed  '  the  Know-Nothings,'  grew- a 
little  more  important.  These  '  Know-Nothings  '  were 
so  called  because  they  were  secretly  organized  and 
concealed  their  true  opinions.  They  were  vague 
in  their  ideas,  and  had  not  much  influence.  One 
of  their  chief  principles  was  to  oppose  the  Roman 
Catholics  upon  any  question  whatsoever. 

In  addition  to  these  three  bodies  a  new  party 
began  to  be  formed.  It  consisted  of  men  drawn  from 
any  party,  but  united  in  an  opposition  to  slavery. 
They  called  themselves  Republicans,  and  rapidly 
began  to  be  of  importance.  Here  at  last  was  a 
political  body  with  which  Lincoln  was  entirely  in 
sympathy.  He  threw  himself  into  pushing  its  in- 
terests, and  in  1856  took  a  leading  part  in  organizing 
the  Republicans  of  Illinois.  This  State,  owing  largely 
to  its  size,  contained  men  of  every  shade  of  political 
opinion,  and  it  was  not  very  easy  to  gather  together 
all  those  who  held  Republican  views  and  group  them 
into  a  whole.  Lincoln  gave  all  his  energy  to  the 
task,  and  in  1856  he  delivered  a  great  speech  at 
Bloomington,  Illinois,  in  which  he  helped  to  launch 
the  Republican  party.  He  spoke  with  great  earnest- 
ness and  solemnity,  and  during  his  speech  he  referred 
to  the  brutal  attack  made  upon  Charles  Sumner, 
who  had  spoken  in  Congress  against  what  he  called 
"  the  crime  against  Nebraska."  As  a  result  of  his 
violent  speech  Sumner  was  assaulted  in  the  Senate 
Chamber  by  a  furious  caller,  who  beat  him  so  fiercely 
about  the  head  that  he  was  nearly  killed.  This 

101 


Abraham  Lincoln 

cowardly  attack  infuriated  people  against  the  assail- 
ant, and  made  many  men  go  over  to  the  anti-slavery 
side. 

"  The  fearless  Sumner,"  said  Lincoln,  "  is  beaten 
to  insensibility,  and  is  now  slowly  dying ;  while 
Senators  who  claim  to  be  gentlemen  and  Christians 
stood  by,  countenancing  the  act,  even  applauding  it 
afterward  in  their  places  in  the  Senate."  From  this 
incident  he  went  on  to  point  out  that  the  country  was 
living  in  the  midst  of  alarms ;  that  no  one  could  say 
what  the  future  might  hold.  An  hour  went  by  and 
Lincoln  was  still  speaking.  Audience  and  reporters 
alike  were  held  fascinated  by  his  earnestness.  The  pens 
dropped  from  the  reporters'  fingers  and  they  forgot 
they  were  there  to  take  notes  of  the  speech.  Among 
them  one  only  remembered  his  work,  and  frotn  his 
jottings  has  been  reconstructed  what  is  known  as 
Lincoln's  '  lost '  speech. 

As  he  approached  his  climax  Lincoln  cried,  "  The 
conclusion  of  all  is  that  we  must  restore  the  Missouri 
Compromise.  We  must  highly  resolve  that  Kansas 
must  be  free  !  We  must  reinstate  the  birthday  of  the 
Republic  ;  we  must  reaffirm  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence. .  .  .  We  must  make  this  a  land  of  liberty 
in  fact,  as  it  is  in  name.  But  in  seeking  to  attain 
these  results — so  indispensable  if  the  liberty  which 
is  our  pride  and  boast  shall  endure — we  will  be  loyal 
to  the  Constitution  and  to  the  flag  of  our  Union,  and 
no  matter  what  our  grievance — even  though  Kansas 
shall  come  in  as  a  slave  State ;  and  no  matter  what 
theirs — even  if  we  shall  restore  the  Compromise — 
we  will  say  to  the  Southern  disunionists,  '  We  won't 
go  out  of  the  Union,  and  you  SHAN'T.'  ' 

102 


The  Republican  Parly 

He  stood  upon  the  platform,  a  gigantic,  triumphant 
figure.  In  front  of  him  the  audience  also  stood. 
They  had  risen  to  their  feet  in  their  excitement  and 
stood  waving  their  handkerchiefs  and  cheering  them- 
selves hoarse.  Under  the  inspiration  of  '  Honest 
Abe '  all  these  men  had  leaped  to  the  realization  of 
what  their  future  course  must  be.  Slavery  must,  if 
possible,  be  put  down  once  and  for  ever ;  but  more 
important  still,  the  Union  must  be  preserved.  This 
doctrine,  that  the  United  States  must  in  no  circum- 
stances separate  from  one  another,  was  the  heart  of 
Lincoln's  political  belief.  He  fought  fiercely  for  the 
protection  of  the  slaves,  but  still  more  fiercely  for 
the  protection  of  the  Union.  Once  let  the  Union  be 
broken,  he  argued,  and  there  would  be  no  America. 
The  rights  for  which  men  had  given  their  lives  in  the 
War  of  Independence,  by  the  breaking  of  the  Union, 
would  be  lost  for  ever.  Such  a  gigantic  catastrophe 
must  at  all  costs  be  prevented,  and  hence,  although 
no  man  felt  more  sympathy  with  the  slaves  and  no 
man  had  a  greater  instinctive  love  for  freedom, 
Lincoln  placed  the  preservation  of  the  Union  before 
even  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves.  Because  of  this 
doctrine  he  lost  favour  with  many  of  the  Abolitionists, 
who  were  so  engrossed  with  the  idea  of  freeing  the 
slaves  at  once  that  they  were  blind  to  the  national 
dangers  which  Lincoln's  clear  judgment  showed  him 
lay  ahead. 

Not  many  months  after  Lincoln's  great  speech 
in  Illinois  another  Presidential  election  drew  near. 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  hoped  to  be  nominated  by  the 
Democrats,  but  they  chose  as  their  candidate  James 
Buchanan ;  the  Republicans  named  John  Fremont. 

103 


Abraham  Lincoln 

During  the  exciting  weeks  before  the  election  both 
Democrats  and  Republicans  were  busy  making 
speeches.  As  usual,  Lincoln  took  his  full  share  in 
the  work,  and  night  after  night  he  spoke  urging  the 
claims  of  Fremont.  But  the  Republican  party  was 
still  young,  and  when  the  ballot  was  taken  it  was 
found  that  Buchanan  had  won.  His  election  was  in 
many  ways  a  disappointment  to  '  the  Little  Giant,' 
who  had  hoped  himself  to  be  nominated  for  the  office. 
At  one  time  it  had  seemed  almost  certain  that  Douglas 
would  be  the  next  President,  but  latterly  the  tide 
had  turned  against  him.  His  support  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill  had  robbed  him  of  many  of  his  old 
admirers,  and  in  his  many  efforts  to  be  popular  he  had 
succeeded  in  pleasing  very  few.  Buchanan,  therefore, 
passed  into  the  position  which  Douglas  had  reason- 
ably imagined  would  be  his,  but  which  he  was  now 
never  to  enjoy. 


104 


CHAPTER  XVI:  Strife  in 

Kansas 

ALTHOUGH  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  had 
been  passed  by  Congress  the  difficulties  in 
the  country,  so  far  from  bein,g  over,  were 
only  just  beginning.  Who  was  to  get  the  upper  hand 
in  the  government  ?  That  was  the  vital  question. 
"  We  will  govern,"  cried  the  supporters  of  slavery. 
'  You  shall  not,"  grimly  replied  the  free-State  men, 
and  thus  Douglas's  doctrine  of  '  popular  sovereignty  ' 
began  to  be  put  to  the  test. 

According  to  the  reasoning  of  '  the  Little  Giant,' 
the  question  whether  the  State  should  be  slave- 
owning  or  free  would  be  settled  by  the  opinions  of  the 
people  living  in  it.  If,  out  of  the  whole  population, 
there  were  more  '  free  '  votes  than  '  slave  '  votes,  then 
the  State  would  be  free.  But  if  there  was  a  majority 
of  '  slave  '  votes,  then  it  would  be  a  slave-owning 
•  territory.  This,  at  least,  is  what  Douglas  had  said 
would  happen ;  his  doctrine  was  now  to  be  tested  ; 
how  would  '  popular  sovereignty  '  stand  the  trial  ? 

The  answer  to  this  last  question  was  eagerly  waited 
by  large  numbers  of  people  who  were  anxious  that 
the  pleasant  picture  of  self-government  sketched  by 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  should  become  reality.  But 
alas  for  their  hopes  !  No  sooner  did  the  Bill  become 
law  than  there  was  a  perfect  scramble  for  the  posses- 
sion of  the  land.  Over  the  borders  of  Missouri  tumbled 
a  horde  of  rough  Missourians — '  border  ruffians,'  as  they 
were  called — racing  pell-mell  to  stake  a  claim  in  the 
new  territory  in  order  that  they  might  each  have  a 

105 


Abraham  Lincoln 

vote.  Such  votes  would  naturally  all  be  in  favour 
of  the  slave-owners,  and  therefore  the  greater  the 
number  of  these  '  ruffians,'  the  less  chance  there  was 
for  the  upholders  of  freedom.  They  were  not  real 
settlers,  but  men  who  were  ready  to  go  anywhere  for 
money,  caring  nothing  at  all  about  the  country  upon 
which  they  had  flung  themselves. 

The  North,  meanwhile,  heard  of  the  Missourian 
invasion  of  Kansas  with  alarm.  They  realized  at 
once  that  unless  the  number  of  Northern  pioneers 
was  greater  than  that  of  the  Missourian  settlers  there 
was  not  the  smallest  chance  that  Kansas  would  be  a 
free  State.  The  spirit  of  rivalry  awakened  in  their 
breasts,  and  they  too  hastily  prepared  to  enter  Kan- 
sas, to  defeat  the  intentions  of  the  South. 

Large  wagons  were  brought  out  and  packed  with 
women  and  children  and  household  goods,  and  the 
long  procession  of  Northerners  journeying  to  Kansas 
started  off.  They  had  much  farther  to  go  than  the 
'  border  ruffians,'  and  often  they  had  to  travel  by 
the  longest  roads  because  the  people  in  slave-owning 
districts  forbade  them  a  passage.  They  felt  they  were 
men  on  a  crusade,  out  to  win  a  fight  against  evil,  and 
the  great  American  poet  John  Greenleaf  Whittier  put 
their  thoughts  into  words  when  he  said  : 

We  cross  the  prairie  as  of  old 

The  Pilgrims  crossed  the  sea, 
To  make  the  West,  as  they  the  East, 

The  homestead  of  the  free. 

We  go  to  rear  a  wall  of  men 

On  Freedom's  southern  line, 
And  plant  beside  the  cotton-tree 

The  rugged  Northern  pine. 
106 


Strife  in  Kansas 

As  a  result  of  these  two  invasions  into  Kansas 
there  were  two  distinct  populations.  One,  representing 
the  South,  desired  slavery ;  the  other,  representing 
the  North,  desired  freedom.  The  feeling  between  the 
two  was  so  high  that  there  was  almost  a  state  of  war 
between  them.  In  his  speeches  in  favour  of '  popular 
sovereignty  '  Douglas  had  drawn  an  attractive  pic- 
ture of  a  community  where  men  lived  together  in 
friendship  and  voted  fairly  whether  slavery  should 
be  up  or  down,  where  peace  and  happiness  were 
always  to  be  found,  and  where  the  popular  will  was 
cheerfully  obeyed  by  the  lowliest  subject.  The 
reality  was  very  different  from  this  hope.  Instead 
of  the  rural  happiness  pictured  by  Douglas  there  was 
strife ;  instead  of  the  meek,  happy-hearted  settlers 
there  were  fierce  bands  of  men,  ready  on  the  smallest 
provocation  to  fly  at  the  throats  of  one  another ; 
instead  of  calm  wisdom  ruling  in  the  council  chambers 
there  was  rioting  and  quarrelling ;  instead  of  men  at 
work  with  pmning-hooks  in  the  fields,  the  hedges 
hid  the  dark  figures  of  men  with  daggers  in  their 
belts ;  instead  of  safety  and  security  there  was  daily 
dread  and  fear ;  and  .two  men  never  met  in  the  road 
without  the  quick,  secret  thought,  "  Perhaps  here  is 
my  enemy." 

Scarcely  had  the  Northern  settlers  succeeded  in 
making  their  homes  secure  when  an  election  took 
place.  The  Missourians  were  determined  not  to  be 
defeated  at  the  poll,  and  just  before  the  voting  began 
some  hundreds  of  men  poured  across  the  borders 
from  Missouri  and  then  claimed  the  right  to  vote  as 
citizens  of  Kansas.  By  this  means  they  flooded  the 
ballot-boxes  and  won  the  election.  When  the  result 

107 


Abraham  Lincoln 

was  known  they  were  highly  delighted,  and  a  Con- 
stitution was  immediately  drawn  up  in  favour  of 
slavery.  The  free-State  settlers  were  furious  at  the 
result  of  the  trickery.  They  declared  that  they 
would  not  obey  the  slave-party  laws,  but  make  a 
Constitution  of  their  own,  and  they  promptly  elected 
a  new  Legislature,  which  was  strongly  in  favour  of 
freedom.  The  Missourians  retorted  in  turn  by  re- 
fusing to  acknowledge  this  new  Legislature,  upon 
which  the  Legislature  declared  that  it  was  the  only  real 
governing  body,  because  in  the  first  election  many 
of  the  voters  had  not  been  real  citizens  of  Kansas. 

The  struggle  between  the  two  parties  grew  so  bitter 
that  the  Government  at  Washington  was  forced  to 
take  part  in  it.  The  case  was  carefully  examined,  but 
the  free-State  men  knew  from  the  first  that  their  cause 
was  hopeless,  and  when  the  decision  was  announced 
they  found  their  worst  fears  realized.  Congress  not 
only  upheld  the  first,  or  Missourian,  Legislature,  but 
it  declared  that  any  one  not  obeying  it  was  rebelling 
against  the  State  and  would  be  punished.  A  troop 
of  soldiers  sent  down  to  keep  order  showed  that  the 
Government  in  Washington  was  in  earnest.  For  the 
time  being  Kansas  sank  into  quietness ;  but  it  was  a 
terrible  quietness — the  quietness  that  goes  before  a 
storm.  Meanwhile  the  Republican  party  was  gather- 
ing strength.  Lincoln's  keen  eye  was  keeping  watch 
upon  all  that  was  happening.  An  uneasy  sense  of 
coming  danger  began  to  fill  the  minds  of  the  slave 
party  with  alarm. 


108 


CHAPTER  XVII:  Dred  Scott 

IN  1857,  through  the  action  of  a  slave,  the  struggle 
between  the  pro-slavery  party  and  the  free-State 
men  came  to  a  head.  Dred  Scott  was  a  slave 
owned  by  a  doctor  who  lived  in  St  Louis.  Presently 
the  doctor  left  his  home  and  went  to  Rock  Island,  in 
the  free  State  of  Illinois,  where  he  settled  for  a  time. 
He  took  with  him  his  slave,  Dred  Scott.  After  living 
at  Rock  Island  for  about  a  year,  Dred  Scott  was 
taken  by  his  master  to  Fort  Snelling,  in  Minnesota, 
where  he  became  friendly  with  a  negress,  purchased 
as  a  slave  by  his  master.  In  time  the  two  slaves  were 
married  and  a  child  was  born  to  them.  By  and  by 
the  doctor  wished  to  go  back  to  his  old  home.  He 
packed  up  and  returned,  and  at  the  same  time  he 
took  with  him  his  two  slaves  and  their  child.  Dred 
Scott  objected  to  the  removal  of  himself  and  his 
family.  He  said  that  by  taking  them  into  a  free  State 
their  master  had  made  them  free,  and  that  their 
child,  born  in  free  territory,  could  not  become  a  slave. 
So  certain  was  he  that  he  was  right  that  he  took  the 
case  into  court  and  claimed  the  freedom  of  himself, 
his  wife,  and  his  child. 

The  news  that  a  slave  was  bringing  an  action 
against  his  master  caused  the  greatest  excitement. 
Slave-owners  were  not  accustomed  to  the  notion  that 
a  slave  could  have  ideas  of  his  own,  still  less  did  they 
like  to  think  that  he  would  dare  to  announce  them 
in  public.  Who  was  this  impudent  Dred  Scott  ? 
And  what  did  his  worthless  life  matter  to  any  one  ? 
The  fellow  must  be  taught  his  place.  A  slave  in  the 
law-courts  !  What  next,  pray  ? 

109 


Abraham  Lincoln 

But  the  Dred  Scott  case  was  not  to  be  pushed  out 
of  sight  so  easily.  On  two  occasions  it  came  up  in 
the  courts  of  Missouri.  Once  it  was  decided  in  Scott's 
favour,  and  once  against  him.  To  settle  the  matter  it 
was  taken  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States, 
where  it  was  tried  all  over  again  before  nine  judges. 

Even  in  this  high  court  of  justice  the  judges  did 
not  agree  in  their  opinions,  but  the  majority  were 
against  Dred  Scott,  and  he  therefore  lost  his  case. 
Very  astonishing  was  the  announcement  of  the  court 
declaring  that  a  slave  was  property,  and  being  pro- 
perty he  was  no  citizen,  and  being  no  citizen  he  could 
not  bring  a  case  into  court ;  but  still  more  astonish- 
ing was  the  decision  that  a  master  might  carry  his 
slaves  about  with  him  wherever  he  went,  and  that 
even  if  he  were  to  settle  in  a  free  State  the  slave,  being 
property,  would  remain  just  as  much  a  slave  as  if 
he  were  in  a  slave-owning  district.  "  What !  "  cried 
the  North,  "  slaves  can  be  carried  by  their  masters 
into  free  States  and  still  remain  slaves  !  Then  what, 
pray,  is  there  to  prevent  slave-owners  from  settling  in 
our  free  territories  and  keeping  their  slaves  exactly 
as  if  they  were  in  skive  States  ?  What  becomes  of 
the  free  State  ?  Its  freedom  is  only  a  farce,  and 
there  is  no  real  difference  anywhere.  At  any  moment 
the  free  States  may  be  flooded  by  slave-owners  bring- 
ing their  slaves  and  we  shall  be  powerless  to  prevent 
them.  What  is  the  use  of  calling  us  free  States  if 
slave-owners  can  settle  among  us  and  hold  their 
slaves  here  as  securely  as  in  their  own  homes  ?  "  This 
difficult  problem  was  not  likely  to  be  settled  in  a 
moment,  and  the  Dred  Scott  case  became  a  national 
question. 

no 


Dred  Scott 

While  the  nation  was  being  stirred  by  this  new 
aspect  of  the  slave  problem  Kansas  was  still  in  a  state 
of  great  unrest.  The  struggle  between  the  two  parties 
had  become  so  fierce  that  it  was  not  an  uncommon 
thing  for  a  man  meeting  another  in  a  lane  to  demand 
of  him  fiercely,  "  Are  you  in  favour  of  freedom  or 
slavery  ?  "  It  happened  sometimes  that  the  two 
who  met  held  the  same  views,  when  they  would 
shake  hands  and  wish  each  other  well.  But  if 
they  chanced  to  belong  to  opposite  parties  then  a 
quarrel  would  follow,  and  sometimes  one  man  would 
even  kill  the  other,  or  both  might  be  wounded. 
Such  a  state  of  affairs  kept  the  country-side  in 
constant  anxiety. 

Meanwhile  a  stream  of  Northern  settlers  continued 
to  pour  into  Kansas,  and  their  coming  did  a  good 
deal  toward  improving  matters.  They  were  strong, 
sturdy  fellows,  who  meant  to  make  homes  for  them- 
selves in  the  new  territory  to  which  they  had  come, 
and  they  did  not  intend  to  let  the  '  border  ruffians  ' 
have  their  own  way  in  everything.  In  time  the 
'  borderers '  began  to  find  themselves  outnumbered, 
and  being  for  the  most  part  men  of  a  restless  disposi- 
tion they  began  to  weary  of  their  new  life,  and  gradually 
to  drift  back  to  Missouri.  Their  departure  gave  the 
free-State  settlers  fresh  hope,  but  all  expectations 
were  dashed  to  the  ground  when  the  elections  were 
held  and  it  was  found  that  the  pro-slavery  party 
had  carried  the  day.  The  free-State  men  knew 
quite  well  that  such  a  result  could  only  have  been 
gained  by  cheating,  but  they  were  powerless  against 
it.  The  new  Legislature  met  at  Lecompton  and  drew 
up  a  pro-slavery  Constitution,  upon  which  they  asked 

in 


Abraham  Lincoln 

Congress  to  admit  them  to  the  Union  as  a  slave  State. 
The  President  of  the  United  States  was  James 
Buchanan,  a  man  with  friendly  inclinations  to  the 
slave  party,  and  he  was  prepared  to  grant  what 
Kansas  asked  when  an  unexpected  opponent  to  the 
scheme  arose  in  the  person  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas. 
'  The  Little  Giant '  was  a  Democrat  and  a  sup- 
porter of  Buchanan,  so  that  his  protest  startled 
his  listeners  into  more  than  ordinary  attention. 
He  had  said  more  than  once  in  public  meetings 
that  he  did  not  care  whether  slavery  was  voted 
up  or  down,  provided  that  the  voting  was  carried  out 
according  to  his  doctrine  of  '  popular  sovereignty ' ; 
and  '  popular  sovereignty  ' — so  people  said — was  being 
exercised  in  Kansas.  Surely  Douglas  should  have 
been  satisfied  ?  What  was  the  reason  for  this  sudden 
change  of  front  ? 

On  being  questioned  as  to  the  meaning  of  his  speech, 
Douglas  replied  that  he  believed  in  a  popular  election, 
but  only  if  it  was  conducted  on  fair  lines.  The 
Lecompton  Constitution,  he  declared,  was  the  result 
of  an  unfair  election,  and  therefore  he  was  opposed 
to  it.  He  added  that  if  the  election  could  be  held 
again  on  a  just  basis,  with  the  result  still  in  favour 
of  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  then  he  would  be 
prepared  to  uphold  it ;  but  without  this  second 
election  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  oppose  the  admission 
of  Kansas  into  the  Union. 

In  these  arguments  Douglas  may  have  been  honest 
enough,  but  his  critics  were  not  slow  to  point  out  that 
his  term  of  office  as  a  Senator  was  nearly  over  and  an 
election  was  at  hand.  The  new  Senator  would  be 
elected  by  the  free  State  of  Illinois.  Would  free- 

112 


Dred  Scott 

State  men  be  likely  to  vote  back  into  office  a  man  who 
was  upholding  the  hated  Lecompton  Constitution  ? 
On  the  other  hand,  would  President  Buchanan  ever 
look  favourably  on  a  Senator  who  had  dared  to  oppose 
him  ?  Faced  by  these  two  difficulties,  Douglas 
decided  to  risk  offending  the  President  rather  than 
risk  losing  the  votes  of  the  free-State  men  of  Illinois, 
and  he  therefore  firmly  refused  to  support  the  ad- 
mission of  Kansas  as  a  slave  State  without  a  second 
election  taking  place.  Very  black  looks  now  became 
his  portion  in  Washington.  Buchanan  had  so  far 
regarded  him  as  one  of  his  strongest  supporters,  and 
he  was  very  ill  pleased  at  the  news  of  this  defiance. 
He  argued  with  him,  and  even  threatened,  but  '  the 
Little  Giant '  was  no  coward  and  he  steadfastly 
refused  to  give  way.  As  Buchanan  very  well  knew, 
Douglas  had  great  influence  not  only  among  the 
people  generally,  but  with  the  members  of  Congress, 
and  his  desertion  was  freely  talked  of  both  inside 
the  House  and  without.  "  So  Douglas  is  opposing 
Buchanan  over  this  Lecompton  affair,"  men  said  to 
one  another,  and  they  began  to  reconsider  the  question, 
and  to  inquire  more  closely  into  what  the  Lecompton 
Constitution  implied. 

This  discussion  prevented  the  upholders  of  the 
Lecompton  Government  from  rushing  through  their 
Bill  without  inquiry.  They  had  hoped  to  get 
Kansas  made  a  slave  State  at  once,  without  any 
questions  being  asked ;  but  now  this  troublesome 
Douglas  was  bringing  the  matter  into  public  notice, 
and  who  could  tell  what  might  happen  next  ?  Thus 
the  Lecompton  supporters  grumbled  among  them- 
selves, while  the  free-State  men  redoubled  their 
H  113 


Abraham  Lincoln 

efforts  to  put  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  slavery 
group.  Buchanan,  meanwhile,  silently  watched  the 
way  things  were  going,  annoyed  that  the  matter  was 
slipping  out  of  his  grasp,  but  powerless  to  prevent  it. 
The  end  came  when  Congress  finally  decided  that 
Kansas  should  not  be  admitted  until  a  second  election 
had  been  taken.  If  this  election,  which  was  to  be 
conducted  with  strict  fairness,  should  again  be  in 
favour  of  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  then  Kansas 
should  at  once  be  admitted  as  a  slave  State  ;  if  not, 
she  was  to  remain  a  territory.1 

By  joining  the  Union,  Kansas  would  gain  a  good 
many  advantages,  not  the  least  being  the  grant  of  a 
large  strip  of  land.  But  in  the  eyes  of  the  free-State 
men  no  advantages  could  make  up  for  the  evils  of 
having  slaves  in  their  midst,  and  they  fought  hard  to 
overthrow  the  Lecompton  Legislature.  The  election 
was  held  in  January  1858,  when  the  bitterness  of  winter 
was  over  everything,  but  the  hearts  of  the  voters 
were  hot  with  the  excitement  of  the  fight.  When 
the  poll  was  announced,  and  it  was  made  known 
that  there  was  a  majority  of  ten  thousand  people 
against  a  slave  Constitution,  excitement  rose  to  fever 
pitch.  The  national  battle  against  slavery  had  begun. 
The  defeat  of  the  Lecompton  Constitution  sounded 
a  warning  in  the  ears  of  the  slave-owners.  Slavery 
was  doomed.  The  steady  growth  of  public  opinion 
in  favour  of  freedom  showed  which  way  the  struggle 
would  end.  The  battle  had  already  begun,  although 
few  as  yet  realized  that  the  trumpets  of  war  had  been 
sounded.  The  refusal  of  '  the  Little  Giant '  to  accept 

1  In  tlio  United  States  a  '  territory  '  is  a  division  of  the  country  not 
yet  admitted  to  the  full  rights  of  a  State. 

114 


Dred  Scott 

the  Lecompton  Constitution  was  to  lead  to  much 
greater  results  than  any  one  at  the  moment  imagined. 

The  Lecompton  Government  was  barely  overthrown 
and  the  freedom  of  Kansas  established  when  Douglas 
had  to  face  a  new  election.  As  a  Senator  he  had  been 
in  office  for  six  years,  but  his  term  was  now  over.  His 
action  in  helping  to  defeat  the  Lecompton  Constitution 
had  won  him  a  great  many  friends  in  the  free  State  of 
Illinois,  and  he  hoped  very  much  to  carry  through 
the  election  in  his  favour.  He  stood  as  a  Democratic 
candidate.  Who  was  to  be  his  opponent  ?  Who 
would  be  the  candidate  chosen  by  the  Republicans  ? 
Douglas  half  hoped  that  the  Republicans  would 
not  choose  any  one,  but  let  himself  be  re-elected 
without  opposition,  and  some  of  the  Republicans 
were  quite  ready  to  do  this  because  of  what  he  had 
done  for  Kansas.  But  there  were  some  among  the 
Republicans  who  did  not  trust  him.  They  remembered 
that  he  had  said  he  did  not  care  whether  slavery  was 
voted  up  or  down,  and  they  felt  that  this  was  no  man 
to  represent  a  party  pledged  to  oppose  slave  interests. 
They  therefore  chose  Abraham  Lincoln  as  their  candi- 
date, and  once  again  '  the  Little  Giant '  and  Lincoln 
found  themselves  rivals. 

Lincoln  opened  his  campaign  with  a  very  solemn 
speech.  His  shrewd  eye  had  already  seen  signs  of  a 
coming  struggle,  and  he  believed  that  the  nation  would 
before  long  be  facing  a  crisis.  "  A  house  divided  against 
itself,"  he  said,  "  cannot  stand.  I  believe  this  Govern- 
ment cannot  endure  permanently  half  slave  and  half 
free.  I  do  not  expect  the  Union  to  be  dissolved — I  do 
not  expect  the  house  to  fall — but  I  do  expect  it  will 
cease  to  be  divided.  It  will  become  all  one  thing  or 


Abraham  Lincoln 

the  other.  Either  the  opponents  of  slavery  will  arrest 
the  farther  spread  of  it,  and  place  it  where  the  public 
mind  shall  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  is  in  course  of 
ultimate  extinction ;  or  its  .advocates  will  push  it 
forward  till  it  shall  become  alike  lawful  in  all  the 
States,  old  as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South." 

"  What  a  very  unwise  speech  !  "  many  of  Lincoln's 
friends  cried.  "  It  will  irritate  the  North  and  make 
the  South  more  furious  than  ever.  Surely  it  would 
have  been  better  not  to  dwell  upon  the  differences 
between  us  at  this  moment.  He  will  never  be  elected 
Senator.  He  has  ruined  his  chances."  To  some 
extent  their  criticisms  were  true.  Lincoln's  plain 
speaking  was  not  the  best  way  to  secure  votes  for  his 
election,  but  he  was  looking  into  the  future,  and  not 
thinking  of  the  moment.  He  saw  that  before  long 
the  country  would  be  face  to  face  with  national 
problems,  and  he  could  not  forbear  from  giving  his 
warning.  Like  most  prophets  he  was  unbelieved  at 
the  time  ;  later  on  both  friends  and  enemies  realized 
the  truth  of  his  words. 

Although  Lincoln  disheartened  some  of  his  friends 
by  making  what  they  considered  an  '  unwise ' 
speech,  he  was  very  anxious  to  win  the  election.  For 
many  years  a  seat  in  the  Senate  had  been  the  height 
of  his  ambition.  It  would  give  him  power  ;  it  would 
put  him  into  office  for  no  less  than  six  years.  He 
therefore  resolved  to  leave  nothing  undone  that  might 
help  to  make  him  the  winner,  and  with  this  end  in 
view  he  challenged  Douglas  to  a  series  of  debates. 
"  Splendid  idea,"-  laughed  the  friends  of  '  the  Little 
Giant ' ;  "  you  will  easily  outshine  this  rough  fellow 
from  nowhere."  But  Douglas  was  silent.  He 

116 


Dred  Scott 

knew  Lincoln's  ability,  and  though  he  accepted 
the  challenge  he  was  by  no  means  so  sure  of  his 
success  as  his  friends  seemed  to  be.  Seven  debates 
were  arranged  at  seven  different  towns.  On  each 
occasion  Douglas  and  Lincoln  were  to  appear  on  the 
same  platform,  one  was  to  speak  an  hour  in  opening, 
and  the  other  an  hour  and  a  half  in  reply,  and  then 
the  opener  was  to  have  the  last  half-hour  to  close  in. 
The  announcement  of  these  debates  aroused  the 
greatest  interest.  Both  Douglas  and  Lincoln  were 
known  to  be  good  speakers,  and  long  before  the  first 
meeting  was  due  to  open  the  hall  was  packed  with 
listeners.  Douglas  had  plenty  of  wealthy  friends  to 
support  him  and  they  took  care  he  should  make  a 
brave  appearance.  They  drove  him  to  the  hall  in  a 
special  car,  trimmed  with  ribbons  and  flowers,  and 
conducted  him  on  to  the  platform  amid  a  buzz  of 
applause.  Smartly  dressed,  well  fed,  and  protected 
from  any  fatigue  on  the  journey,  Douglas  had  every- 
thing in  his  favour.  Lincoln,  on  the  other  hand, 
had  no  fine  friends.  His  clothes  were  always  shabby 
and  ill-cut,  and  he  looked  what  he  was,  a  poor  man 
to  whom  life  was  a  constant  struggle.  But  when  it 
came  to  a  battle  of  words  Lincoln  was  at  least  a 
match  for  Douglas.  Night  after  night  he  harassed 
him  with  keen  questions  and  drove  him  into  a  corner 
for  his  reply.  The  flags  and  flowers  which  decked 
the  hall  faded  from  the  view  of  the  audience  as  they 
bent  their  eyes  upon  the  speaker  whose  eloquence 
held  them  enthralled.  Lincoln  was  determined  to 
make  his  hearers  realize  the  danger  with  which  the 
slave  party  threatened  them.  "  Put  this  and  that 
together,"  he  cried,  "'  and  we  have  another  nice  little 

117 


Abraham  Lincoln 

niche,  which  we  may,  ere  long,  see  filled  with  another 
Supreme  Court  decision  declaring  that  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  does  not  permit  a  State  to  exclude 
slavery  from  its  limits.  .  .  .  Such  a  decision  is  all 
that  slavery  now  lacks  of  being  alike  lawful  in  all  the 
States.  .  .  .  We  shall  lie  down  pleasantly  dreaming 
that  the  people  of  Missouri  are  on  the  verge  of  making 
their  State  free,  and  we  shall  awake  to  the  reality, 
instead,  that  the  Supreme  Court  has  made  Illinois  a 
slave  State."  Douglas  made  light  of  the  point  raised 
by  Lincoln.  He  maintained  that  whatever  the  decision 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  it  could  never  be  carried  out 
except  with  the  help  of  local  police  regulations,  and 
that  therefore  every  State  was  really  independent,  and 
that  the  right  of  the  people  to  have  their  territory 
either  slave  or  free  was  "  perfect  and  complete." 

Thus  the  brilliant  battle  was  waged.  But  though 
it  was  clear  that  in  the  matter  of  simple  logic  Lincoln 
had  won  the  day,  it  was  by  no  means  so  certain  that 
he  would  win  at  the  poll.  When  the  election  ended  his 
friends  found  that  their  fears  were  only  too  true.  In 
spite  of  the  deep  impression  Lincoln  had  made  by 
his  speeches,  the  largest  number  of  votes  lay  with 
Douglas.  Once  more  life  had  dealt  out  disappoint- 
ment to  Lincoln.  He  heard  the  news  cheerfully, 
though  his  defeat  was  a  keen  blow,  and  when  one  of 
his  friends  asked  him  how  he  felt  about  being  beaten 
by  '  the  Little  Giant,'  he  said,  with  a  flash  of  his 
whimsical  humour :  "I  feel  very  much  like  the 
overgrown  boy  who  stumped  his  toe,  when  he  said  he 
was  hurt  too  bad  to  laugh,  and  was  too  big  to  cry." 

Lincoln  was  beaten  for  the  moment,  but  only  for 
the  moment.  Before  long  he  was  to  be  a  conqueror. 

118 


CHAPTER  XVIII:  John 

Brown 

AMONG  the  Northern  settlers  who  flocked  into 
Kansas  in  search  of  a  new  home  was  a 
man  named  John  Brown.  He  was  tall,  and 
silent,  of  very  strong  character,  deeply  religious,  and 
firmly  opposed  to  slavery.  Nineteen  children  had 
been  born  to  him,  and  when  he  crossed  into  Kansas 
eleven  were  still  alive.  Five  of  these  were  young 
men,  fine  stalwart  fellows,  who  could  swing  an  axe 
with  any  one  or  fight  with  the  strongest.  Long 
brooding  over  the  evils  suffered  by  the  slaves  had 
made  John  Brown's  heart  hot  with  the  conviction 
that  he  had  been  appointed  by  God  to  be  their 
deliverer.  His  quick  fancy  told  him  of  the  misery 
hidden  under  the  immovable  black  faces  of  the  slaves, 
and  in  his  tender  sympathy  he  longed  to  become 
their  champion.  He  saw  himself  as  their  saviour, 
proclaiming  freedom  for  every  man  in  the  midst  of  a 
group  of  emancipated  negroes  who  clasped  his  knees 
and  poured  out  thanks ;  he  saw  himself  blessing 
them  and  bidding  them  go  on  their  way  and  be  happy. 
Then  he  awoke  to  find  it  was  all  a  dream. 

The  dream  of  helping  his  oppressed  fellow-men 
did  not  fade  hastily  from  John  Brown's  mind.  He 
determined  to  turn  it  into  reality  ;  to  break  off  the 
iron  fetters  and  set  the  slaves  free.  But  how  was  it 
to  be  done  ?  Even  the  dreaming,  unpractical  Brown 
realized  that  public  opinion  would  oppose  the  sudden 
setting  free  of  the  negroes,  and  though  the  band  of 
reformers  working  for  their  liberation  was  daily 

119 


Abraham  Lincoln 

growing  larger,  the  majority  of  the  people  were  against 
any  such  idea.  Many  difficult  questions  had  to  be 
considered  before  such  an  important  change  could  be 
made.  For  instance,  the  slaves  had  been  paid  for 
by  their  masters ;  they  represented  so  many  golden 
sovereigns  to  their  owners,  and  if  all  the  slaves  were 
at  once  set  free  many  slave-owners  would  be  utterly 
ruined.  Then,  again,  if  a  slave  was  to  be  treated  as  an 
ordinary  citizen  he  would  be  entitled  to  have  a  vote. 
Would  it  be  fair,  or  wise,  suddenly  to  give  four  million 
men,  who  had  never  voted  before,  the  right  to  a 
share  in  the  government  of  the  country  ?  Questions 
such  as  these  could  not  be  settled  in  a  moment,  and 
the  wisest  men  in  the  country  were  the  most  perplexed 
about  them. 

To  simple  John  Brown,  however,  these  questions 
hardly  occurred,  or  if  they  did  he  did  not  realize  the 
difficulties  behind  them.  He  saw  that  the  black  men 
were  many  of  them  miserable,  and  he  believed  they 
were  miserable  largely  because  they  were  kept  in 
bondage  by  white  men.  Therefore  he  declared  that 
the  only  thing  to  be  done  was  to  force  the  white  men 
to  free  the  black  men,  and  then  every  one  would  be 
happy.  With  this  idea  in  view,  he  began  to  plan  a 
revolt  in  favour  of  the  negroes.  "  Give  a  negro  a 
pike  and  you  make  him  a  man,"  he  said,  by  which 
he  meant  that  if  weapons  were  given  to  the  slaves 
they  would  of  their  own  free  will  rise  up  against  their 
owners  and  free  themselves. 

He  taught  his  doctrine  to  his  sons,  who  firmly 
believed  in  their  father's  wisdom,  and,  unknown  to 
any  except  the  small  handful  of  conspirators,  the 
seed  of  rebellion  began  to  take  root.  Weapons  were 

120 


John  Brown 

secretly  collected  and  hidden  away ;  plans  were  dis- 
cussed ;  knives  were  sharpened.  "  A  few  men  in 
the  right,  knowing  they  are  in  the  right,"  said  John 
Brown,  "  can  overturn  a  king,"  and  with  firm  belief 
in  his  heart  he  pushed  forward  his  plans.  The  violent 
death  of  two  of  his  sons  through  being  mixed  up  in 
one  of  the  many  skirmishes  between  the  Northern 
settlers  in  Kansas  and  the  '  border  ruffians  '  further 
hardened  his  heart  against  oppression,  and  he  re- 
doubled his  well-meant  efforts  for  helping  the  slaves. 

His  entire  belief  in  his  mission,  and  his  conviction 
that  if  the  slaves  were  given  a  lead  they  would  flock 
in  their  thousands  round  his  standard,  blinded  his 
eyes  to  the  perils  and  difficulties  before  him,  and  in 
the  autumn  of  1859  he  made  a  bold  plan  to  seize  the 
arsenal  at  Harper's  Ferry,  Virginia.  Harper's  Ferry 
was  a  town  of  some  5000  inhabitants,  with  an  im- 
portant arsenal,  well  stocked  with  weapons  and 
powder.  Its  capture,  Brown  argued,  would  strike 
terror  into  the  hearts  of  the  people  in  the  town  and 
cause  a  general  panic  in  the  country.  During  the 
commotion  the  slaves  could  break  away  from  their 
masters  and  join  the  rebel  standard  at  Harper's 
Ferry,  where  they  would  find  enough  pikes  and  guns 
to  make  them  a  terror  to  their  enemies.  To  simple- 
minded  John  Brown  nothing  seemed  easier  than  the 
working  out  of  his  plan,  and  in  imagination  he  already 
saw  the  triumph  of  the  negroes.  With  splendid  but 
foolish  boldness,  he  actually  set  out  secretly  on  October 
i6th,  1859,  with  only  eighteen  men  to  help  him,  to 
seize  the  arsenal. 

The  arrival  of  the  little  group  of  conspirators  was 
quite  unexpected,  and  they  had  little  difficulty  in 

121 


Abraham  Lincoln 

killing  the  sentry  and  gaining  possession  of  the  stores. 
So  far  all  had  been  easy,  but  there  was  grave  danger 
ahead.  The  Brownists  were  in  possession  of  the 
arsenal,  but  how  were  they  going  to  hold  it  ?  Five 
thousand  citizens  would  not  lightly  allow  eighteen 
men  to  tyrannize  over  them,  and  the  rebels  stiffened 
their  backs  to  meet  the  foe.  They  had  not  long  to 
wait.  The  townspeople  heard  the  news  of  the  capture 
of  the  arsenal  with  incredulity  at  first.  But  when 
the  fact  was  confirmed  they  vigorously  prepared  to 
drive  out  these  curious  rebels,  who  imagined  they 
could  terrify  a  city.  An  armed  force  was  hastily 
summoned  from  Washington,  and  after  thirty-six 
hours  of  glorious  mastery  John  Brown  and  his 
followers  found  themselves  utterly  defeated.  Brown 
himself  and  five  of  his  men  were  taken  prisoners  ;  a  few 
escaped  ;  the  rest  were  killed  in  the  struggle. 

Although  bitterly  disappointed  at  the  failure  of  his 
long-cherished  scheme,  John  Brown  was  too  full  of 
courage  and  too  certain  of  the  righteousness  of  his 
cause  to  be  cast  down.  He  set  very  little  value  on 
his  own  life,  and  was  quite  ready  to  die  if  by  that 
means  he  could  help  the  cause  he  had  at  heart.  He 
was  hurried  off  to  the  law-courts,  tried,  and  sentenced 
to  be  hanged.  He  heard  his  sentence  with  the  same 
splendid  courage  which  he  had  shown  when  he  had 
set  off  with  his  tiny  following  to  attack  Harper's 
Ferry.  "  I  can  leave  to  God,"  he  said,  "  the  time  and 
manner  of  my  death,  for  I  believe  now  that  the  sealing 
of  my  testimony  before  God  and  man  will  do  far 
more  to  further  the  cause  to  which  I  have  devoted 
myself  than  anything  else  I  have  done  in  my  life." 

In  this  fine  spirit  he  went  out  to  meet  the  fate  which 

122 


JOHN  BROWN  GOING  TO  EXECUTION 

Thomas    Hovenden 
Metropolitan   Museum   of  Art,   New    York 


122 


John  Brown 

was  the  happiest  .which  could  have  befallen  him.  His 
plan  for  helping  the  slaves  was  so  impracticable  that 
the  country  could  afford  to  smile  at  it.  Not  a  single 
slave  had  run  to  join  the  rebel's  standard ;  the  panic 
in  Harper's  Ferry  had  only  lasted  for  a  very  few 
hours,  and  no  one  had  been  really  frightened.  But 
by  dying  publicly  John  Brown  became  for  ever  his 
own  monument  to  the  nation.  All  eyes  were  turned 
upon  him,  and  he  became,  as  it  were,  the  embodiment 
of  the  negro  race ;  the  living  expression  of  their  un- 
spoken misery ;  the  martyr  whose  death  preserves 
for  ever  the  cause  in  which  he  sheds  his  blood.  Men 
who  had  never  given  slavery  a  thought  began  to 
wonder  if  there  was  not  something  wrong  about  it, 
since  a  man  was  found  willing  to  die  in  protest  against 
it.  "  The  old  fellow  may  have  been  mad,"  they  said, 
"  but  perhaps  he  was  right  after  all  —  or  at  least 
partly  right."  And  so  the  seed  planted  by  John 
Brown  in  the  rocky  soil  of  Harper's  arsenal  began 
to  take  root  and  flourish.  His  body  lay  mouldering 
in  the  grave,  but  his  soul  went  marching  on,  and  the 
popular  song,  sung  to-day  as  much  as  in  any  day, 
proves  that  Time  has  not  yet  wiped  out  the  remem- 
brance of  his  deed,  rashly  conceived  but  gallantly 
performed. 

The  sentence  on  John  Brown  drew  excited  com- 
ments from  both  North  and  South.  In  the  North 
the  Abolitionists  upheld  his  action  ;  in  the  South  he 
was  violently  denounced,  and  with  him  the  entire 
Abolition  party.  "  This  is  what  they  would  all  do, 
if  they  could,"  said  the  Southerners.  "  They  would 
come  among  us  stealthily  and  kill  us  " ;  and  so  the 
gulf  between  North  and  South  grew  still  wider.  "  He 

123 


Abraham  Lincoln 

has  abolished  slavery,"  cried  Wendell  Phillips,  one 
of  the  famous  leaders  of  the  anti-slavery  party ; 
but  Lincoln,  looking  at  the  event  with  keener,  less 
passionate  scrutiny,  observed  quietly :  "  John  Brown's 
effort  was  peculiar.  It  was  not  a  slave  insurrection. 
It  was  an  attempt  by  white  men  to  get  up  a  revolt 
among  the  slaves,  in  which  the  slaves  refused  to 
participate.  In  fact,  it  was  so  absurd  that  the  slaves, 
with  all  their  ignorance,  saw  plainly  enough  that  it 
could  not  succeed.  That  affair,  in  its  philosophy, 
corresponds  with  the  many  attempts,  related  in 
history,  at  the  assassination  of  kings  and  emperors. 
An  enthusiast  broods  over  the  oppression  of  a  people 
till  he  fancies  himself  commissioned  by  Heaven  to 
liberate  them.  He  ventures  the  attempt,  which  ends 
in  little  else  than  his  own  execution.  Orsini's  attempt 
on  Louis  Napoleon  and  John  Brown's  attempt  at 
Harper's  Ferry  were,  in  their  philosophy,  precisely 
the  same." 

These  remarks  by  Lincoln  must  not  be  taken  to 
mean  that  he  was  not  in  sympathy  with  the  abolition 
of  slavery.  He  was  deeply  anxious  to  set  the  slaves 
free,  but  he  did  not  believe  rebellion  was  the  proper 
way  in  which  to  procure  their  freedom.  He  put  the 
Constitution  first,  declaring  its  preservation  more 
important  than  anything — more  important  even  than 
the  freeing  of  the  slaves.  If  possible,  the  slaves 
must  be  freed ;  but  at  all  costs  the  Union  must  be 
kept  unbroken.  This  was  the  chief  doctrine  of 
Lincoln's  life. 


124 


SECTION  VI 
Years  of  Supremacy 

1860-1864 

(FROM  FIFTY-ONE  TO  FIFTY-FIVE) 

I  hold  that,  in  contemplation  of  universal  law  and  of  the 
Constitution,  the  Union  of  these  States  is  perpetual.  Per- 
petuity is  implied,  if  not  expressed,  in  the  fundamental  law  of 
all  national  governments.  .  .  . 

Why  should  there  not  be  a  patient  confidence  in  the  ulti- 
mate justice  of  the  people  ?  Is  there  any  better  or  equal  hope 
in  the  world  ?  In  our  present  difficulties,  is  either  party  with-, 
out  faith  of  being  in  the  right  ?  If  the  Almighty  Ruler  of 
Nations,  with  His  eternal  truth  and  justice,  be  on  your  side 
of  the  North,  or  on  yours  of  the  South,  that  truth  and  that 
justice  will  surely  prevail  by  the  judgment  of  this  great  tribunal 
of  the  American  people.  .  .  . 

In  your  hands,  my  dissatisfied  fellow-countrymen,  and  not 
in  mine,  is  the  momentous  issue  of  civil  war.  The  Govern- 
ment will  not  assail  you.  You  can  have  no  conflict  without 
being  yourselves  the  aggressors.  You  have  no  oath  registered 
in  Heaven  to  destroy  the  Government,  while  I  shall  have  the 
most  solemn  one  to  "  preserve,  protect  and  defend  it." 

I  am  loath  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends. 
We  must  not  be  enemies.  Though  passion  may  have  strained, 
it  must  not  break,  our  bonds  of  affection.  The  mystic  chords 
of  memory,  stretching  from  every  battlefield  and  patriot 
grave  to  every  living  heart  and  hearthstone  all  over  this  broad 
land,  will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the  Union  when  again  touched, 
as  surely  they  will  be,  by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature. 

Extract  from  Lincoln's  first  inaugural  address  at 
Washington,  March  ^th,  1861 


CHAPTER  XIX:  At  New 

York 

JOHN  BROWN'S  rebellion  had  been  very  short- 
lived, but  it  had  left  a  deep  mark  on  the  nation. 
Political  questions  began  to  be  discussed  more 
generally  than  before,  and  hundreds  of  men  who  had 
so  far  cared  very  little  about  these  things  now  took 
their  stand  either  on  one  side  or  the  other  of  the  great 
slavery  problem.  Buchanan's  term  of  office  at  the 
White  House  was  drawing  to  a  close.  Who  was  to 
succeed  him  ?  Should  a  pro-slavery  man  step  into 
his  place,  or  was  there  any  chance  of  a  free-State 
candidate  winning  the  election  ?  And,  if  so,  what 
changes  might  be  expected  in  the  country  ?  "  Changes 
for  the  better,"  said  the  believers  in  freedom.  "  For 
the  worse,"  muttered  the  pro-slavery  party.  In 
addition  to  the  men  who  knew  exactly  what  kind  of 
candidate  they  wanted  to  see  in  office,  there  were 
thousands  of  others  who  did  not  care  very  much 
either  way.  They  took  very  little  real  interest  in 
the  affairs  of  their  country,  and  were  quite  ready  to 
vote  at  random.  But  even  these  careless  voters 
gradually  became  aware  that  the  election  that  was 
drawing  near  would  be  different  from  any  other 
election  they  had  known  ;  that  great  issues  were  at 
stake  ;  that  the  choice  of  President  might  make  an 
entire  change  in  the  country  ;  in  fact,  that  every 
vote  was  of  supreme  importance. 

Once  awakened  to  the  fact  that  the  election  really 
mattered,  most  of  these  former  careless  voters  began 
to  show  a  lively  interest  in  public  affairs.  Every 

127 


Abraham  Lincoln 

political  party  in  the  country  was  busy  with  prepara- 
tions for  the  campaign,  and  although  no  candidates 
had  as  yet  been  chosen,  the  nation  began  to  act  in 
the  manner  of  men  who  know  that  great  things  are 
at  stake.  The  Republican  party  was  particularly 
busy,  and  left  no  stone  unturned  in  its  efforts  for 
success.  Through  the  energy  of  some  of  its  members 
a  series  of  lectures  was  arranged  to  be  delivered  in 
New  York,  and  to  his  profound  pleasure  Lincoln 
found  himself  honoured  by  a  request  that  he  would 
be  one  of  the  lecturers.  It  was  a  great  triumph  for 
'  Honest  Abe '  to  be  asked  to  speak  before  an 
audience  which  would  contain  the  flower  of  New 
York  society,  and  he  was  naturally  gratified  at  the 
compliment.  His  firm  persistence  in  the  doctrine 
that  at  all  costs  the  Union  must  be  preserved,  coupled 
with  his  steady  defence  of  the  slaves  and  his  opposi- 
tion to  immediate  abolition,  made  him  an  interesting 
figure.  Men  were  curious  to  hear  him.  Here  was 
a  politician  who  really  dared  to  think  for  himself ; 
who  was  not  afraid  to  have  views  of  his  own,  or  to 
express  them  in  public,  regardless  of  whether  they 
fitted  in  with  the  views  of  his  party  or  of  whether 
they  would  best  help  his  own  interests.  "  You  are 
like  Byron,  who  woke  up  one  morning  and  found 
himself  famous,"  wrote  an  editor.  "  People  want 
to  know  about  you.  You  have  sprung  at  once  from 
the  position  of  a  capital  fellow,  and  a  leading  lawyer 
in  Illinois,  to  a  national  reputation." 

Remarks  of  this  kind  were  very  refreshing  to  a 
man  so  well  acquainted  with  disappointment  as  was 
Lincoln,  but  he  was  not  carried  away  by  the  flattery. 
He  had  never  fashioned  his  views  to  please  anybody. 

128 


At  New  York 

They  had  grown  slowly  into  conviction  after  long 
mental  deliberation,  and  having  been  hardly  come 
by  he  was  not  likely  to  let  them  slip  easily  from  him. 
Fame  and  popularity  might  come  knocking  at  his 
door,  but  he  would  not  change  one  article  of  the 
furniture  within  to  please  them. 

It  was  in  this  spirit  of  self-reliance  that  he  stepped 
on  to  the  platform  of  the  Cooper  Institute  at  New 
York  on  the  2yth  of  February,  1860.  His  great, 
gaunt  figure,  his  large,  toil-hardened  hands,  his 
clumsy  gestures,  and  his  obvious  air  of  awkward  ner- 
vousness did  not  impress  his  audience  very  favour- 
ably at  first.  William  Cullen  Bryant,  the  famous 
poet,  was  in  the  chair ;  Horace  Greely,  the  great 
editor,  and  David  Dudley  Field,  the  great  lawyer, 
were  among  the  listeners,  and  the  long  rows  of  seats 
in  the  large  hall  were  filled  with  men  and  women  who 
were  accustomed  to  hold  their  own  in  witty  and 
polished  conversation.  How  could  such  a  rough, 
uncouth-looking  man  as  Lincoln  hope  to  engage  their 
interest  ?  A  few  laughing  comments  on  the  wild 
man  from  the  backwoods  were  softly  exchanged, 
then  the  audience  suddenly  grew  silent,  for  Lincoln 
was  speaking. 

He  had  taken  for  his  subject  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States.  It  sounded  a  dry  enough  theme, 
and  men  were  resigning  themselves  to  yawn  when 
they  found  themselves  listening  almost  against  their 
will.  Lincoln  was  pleading  on  behalf  of  the  laws 
embodied  in  the  Constitution.  He  was  taking  them 
to  pieces  and  analysing  them  with  unerring  skill  and 
magnificent  eloquence.  His  plain  face  lighted  up 
with  earnestness,  his  voice  took  on  the  unmistakable 
I  129 


Abraham  Lincoln 

note  of  conviction,  his  whole  body  seemed  to  vibrate 
in  an  effort  to  express  his  personality.  "  This  is  no 
ordinary  man,"  thought  his  listeners ;  then  presently 
they  forgot  to  think  about  him  any  more — forgot 
themselves,  forgot  everything  in  the  interest  o!  the 
flood  of  words  which  held  them  enthralled. 

As  for  Lincoln,  the  fashionable  audience  had  faded 
from  his  view ;  he  had  forgotten  that  this  was  New 
York,  that  he  was  speaking  to  one  of  the  most 
brilliant  audiences  in  the  country.  He  had  forgotten, 
too,  that  they  were  educated  and  he  was  not,  that 
they  were  well-born  and  he  was  poor.  He  remembered 
only  that  he  was  speaking  to  them  as  a  man  to  men, 
as  he  had  spoken  in  the  days  when  he  had  stood  on 
a  wooden  box  at  Springfield  and  harangued  any  who 
would  listen  to  him,  and  when  an  honest  clap  at  the 
end  had  been  his  most  coveted  reward. 

From  an  analysis  of  the  Constitution  he  passed  to 
the  consideration  of  slavery.  Was  it  right  or  wrong 
for  one  man  to  hold  another  in  his  power  ?  "If 
slavery  is  right,"  he  cried,  "  all  words,  acts,  laws, 
constitutions  against  it  are  themselves  wrong,  and 
should  be  silenced  and  swept  away.  If  it  is  right 
we  cannot  justly  object  to  its  nationality — its  uni- 
versality !  If  it  is  wrong,  they  cannot  justly  insist 
upon  its  extension — its  enlargement.  .  .  .  Their  think- 
ing it  right,  and  our  thinking  it  wrong,  is  the  precise 
fact  upon  which  depends  the  whole  controversy.  .  .  . 
Let  us  be  diverted  by  none  of  those  sophistical  con- 
trivances wherewith  we  are  so  industriously  plied 
and  belaboured,  contrivances  such  as  groping  for  some 
middle  ground  between  the  right  and  the  wrong, 
vain  as  the  search  for  a  man  who  should  be  neither  a 

130 


At  New  York 

living  man  nor  a  dead  man ;  such  as  a  policy  ol 
'  don't  care  '  on  a  question  about  which  all  true  men 
do  care ;  such  as  Union  appeals  beseeching  true 
Union  men  to  yield  to  disunionists.  .  .  .  Neither  let 
us  be  slandered  from  our  duty  by  false  accusations 
against  us,  nor  frightened  from  it  by  menaces  of 
destruction  to  the  Government  nor  of  dungeons  to 
ourselves.  Let  us  have  faith  that  right  makes  might, 
and  in  that  faith  let  us,  to  the  end,  dare  to  do  our 
duty  as  we  understand  it." 

Long  before  the  end  of  the  speech  was  reached 
Lincoln  had  conquered  his  hearers.  He  had  captured 
them  once  and  for  all,  and  the  great  bursts  of  cheering 
showed  how  completely  he  had  triumphed.  As  he 
looked  over  the  great  audience  shouting  itself  hoarse 
in  his  honour  a  feeling  of  pride  might  well  have 
warmed  his  heart.  But  self-satisfaction  was  never 
one  of  his  qualities.  He  had  not  set  out  to  please  his 
hearers,  but  to  speak  to  them  out  of  the  depth  of 
conviction  :  to  convert  them  to  his  own  views,  if 
they  were  opposed  to  him  ;  to  strengthen  them  in 
their  beliefs  if  they  were  already  on  his  side.  The 
beaming  eyes  and  excited  faces  that  he  saw  on  all 
sides  were  very  pleasant,  but  they  had  not  been  his 
chief  aim.  His  great  idea  had  been  to  win  fresh 
followers  to  his  cause.  Looking  round  the  hall  he 
could  not  fail  to  realize  that  he  had  succeeded  in  his 
work.  That  he  had  also  made  Abraham  Lincoln 
himself  approved  of  by  this  very  critical  audience 
was  a  very  pleasant  thought,  but  by  no  means  of 
the  highest  importance.  Like  every  simple-hearted 
man,  he  enjoyed  sunning  himself  in  public  favour, 
but  he  did  not  court  it.  It  was  more  agreeable  to 


Abraham  Lincoln 

walk  along  the  road  in  sunshine,  but  if  showers  came 
he  was  quite  ready  to  plod  on  through  the  rain. 

Meanwhile  he  had  established  a  reputation  in  the 
capital  city  and  a  few  enthusiastic  spirits  began  to 
exclaim  :  "  Why  not  make  him  a  candidate  for  the 
next  Presidential  election  ?  "  The  idea  was  so  new 
to  most  people  that  they  were  too  startled  to  find 
an  objection,  and  seeing  their  confusion  his  supporters 
seized  their  opportunity  to  repeat  again  with  stronger 
emphasis  :  "  Why  not  ?  " 


132 


CHAPTER  XX:  Great  Scenes 
in  Chicago 

WHEN  it  was  first  suggested  to  Lincoln  that 
he  should  let  himself  be  named  as  a  candi- 
date for  the  President's  office,  he  replied 
at  once :  "I  must  in  candour  say  I  do  not  think  I 
am  fitted  for  the  Presidency." 

There  was  another  office  which  he  coveted,  and  this 
he  justly  thought  might  come  within  his  grasp.  It 
was  to  be  a  Senator — an  honour  which  would  raise  him 
above  the  level  of  the  ordinary  member  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  and  give  him  considerable  power  in 
helping  in  the  management  of  the  nation's  affairs.  In 
his  earlier  attempt  to  win  this  prize  he  had  been  beaten 
by  his  old  rival  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  but  this  remem- 
brance did  not  hinder  Lincoln's  belief  that  the  second 
time  he  might  succeed.  Therefore,  when  his  friends 
urged  him  to  consider  the  idea  of  offering  himself 
as  a  candidate  for  the  President's  chair,  he  at  last 
gave  way  to  their  entreaties,  thinking  that  by  this 
means  he  would  help  forward  his  claims  to  Senatorship. 
The  idea  that  he  would  ever  carry  the  election  to  the 
White  House  probably  never  for  a  moment  crossed 
his  mind.  Seward  was  also  standing,  and  like  Lincoln 
he  represented  the  Republican  party.  Supposing  the 
Republicans  were  to  triumph  and  succeed  in  electing 
the  man  they  most  wished  to  become  President,  who 
could  have  a  chance  against  Seward,  who  had  long 
been  marked  out  as  a  possible  future  President  ? 

Nevertheless,  once  he  had  consented  to  enter  the 
lists  Lincoln  determined  to  make  the  best  fight  he 

133 


Abraham  Lincoln 

could.  It  was  not  in  him  to  do  things  by  halves,  and 
he  now  set  about  doing  everything  in  his  power  to 
impress  himself  upon  the  nation  at  large  as  a  suitable 
person  for  the  high  office  at  Washington.  Early  in 
May  the  Republicans  of  Illinois  nominated  him  as 
the  candidate  they  intended  to  support,  and  amid 
deafening  cheers  Lincoln  was  carried  shoulder-high 
to  the  platform.  Scarcely  was  he  on  his  feet  again 
when  the  door  burst  open  and  in  marched  John  Hanks, 
Lincoln's  cousin,  the  man  who  had  really  been  the 
means  of  persuading  the  Lincoln  family  to  settle  in 
Illinois.  He  carried  on  his  shoulder  two  well-worn 
rails,  of  the  kind  used  in  making  a  fence,  and  from 
the  end  of  the  poles  hung  a  flag  on  which  was  written  : 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

THE    RAIL    CANDIDATE 

FOR   PRESIDENT   IN   1860 

Two  RAILS  FROM  A  LOT  OF  3000  MADE 
IN  1830  BY  JOHN  HANKS  AND  ABE  LINCOLN 

The  sight  of  the  two  homely  poles,  part  of  the  fence 
made  by  Lincoln  in  the  old  days  at  Decatur,  and 
clear  proof  that  he  had  been  a  working  man  like 
themselves,  stirred  the  audience  more  deeply  than 
any  speech  could  have  done.  Here  was  a  man  who 
knew  what  it  was  to  work  ;  to  be  hungry,  to  be  tired ; 
who  had  been  brought  up  in  the  humblest  circum- 
stances, but  who  had  hewn  out  a  public  career  simply 
by  his  own  cleverness  and  hard  work.  What  better 
candidate  could  be  found  ?  He  upheld  the  views  of 
the  Republican  party  in  the  great  question  of  slavery  ; 

134 


Great  Scenes  in  Chicago 

he  was  immovable  in  his  belief  that  the  Union  must 
be  preserved ;  he  was  a  splendid  speaker,  a  brilliant 
debater,  a  man  of  conscience,  a  hard  worker ;  more- 
over he  was  one  of  themselves.  What  more  could  any 
one  want  ?  And  so  the  huge  audience  shouted  itself 
hoarse  in  its  delight  at  the  thought  that  the  candidate 
they  had  chosen  was  '  Honest  Abe,'  fit  for  anything, 
even  for  the  White  House  itself. 

Lincoln  was  very  much  moved  by  the  great  out- 
burst of  enthusiasm.  He  stood  in  silence  waiting  for 
the  cheers  to  subside,  and  as  he  looked  over  the  rows  of 
excited,  eager  faces  he  realized  that  whether  he  might 
succeed  or  not  in  winning  the  Presidential  election  he 
had  at  least  succeeded  in  winning  the  hearts  of  the 
men  who  knew  him  best. 

So  far  Lincoln  had  only  been  chosen  as  the  Re- 
publican candidate  by  the  Republicans  in  Illinois. 
Other  sections  of  the  party  in  different  districts 
would  almost  certainly  choose  other  men.  Then 
when  all  the  Republican  candidates  had  been  nomi- 
nated there  would  be  a  great  national  gathering  of  the 
Republican  party,  and  voting  for  the  various  candi- 
dates would  take  place.  The  man  who  secured  the 
greatest  number  of  votes  would  then  be  nominated 
as  the  candidate  chosen  by  the  whole  Republican 
party  to  stand  for  the  Presidential  election.  Thus 
although  Lincoln  had  been  chosen  as  candidate  by 
Illinois,  it  was  more  than  likely  that  at  the  great 
National  Convention  he  would  be  beaten  by  another 
man,  and  would  therefore  not  be  able  to  enter  the 
last  round  of  the  fight  for  the  President's  office. 

Among  the  men  who  were  chosen  as  Republican 
candidates  by  the  various  States  were  William  H. 

135 


Abraham  Lincoln 

Seward,  of  New  York,  a  man  who  had  been  more  than 
once  a  Senator ;  Senator  Cameron,  well  known  as  an 
accomplished  politician  ;  and  Salmon  P.  Chase,  a  well- 
read,  attractive  leader,  who,  like  Seward,  had  been  a 
member  of  the  Senate.  In  addition  to  these  three 
men,  who  were  all  widely  known  and  of  great  influence, 
there  were  others  of  lesser  renown  ;  last  of  all  there 
was  Abraham  Lincoln. 

The  National  Convention  which  was  to  decide 
which  of  these  men  should  represent  the  Republican 
party  in  the  coming  fight  was  held  at  Chicago  in  May 
1860,  not  many  days  after  the  smaller  convention 
at  Illinois  had  adopted  Abraham  Lincoln  as  their 
representative.  From  the  first  it  became  evident 
that  the  real  fight  lay  between  Seward  and  Lincoln, 
and  the  supporters  of  both  men  began  to  make  great 
efforts  after  success.  A  gigantic  wigwam,  large 
enough  to  hold  10,000  people,  had  been  put  up  at 
Chicago,  and  into  this  great  building  poured  the 
'  Lincoln  boys,'  prepared  to  roar  and  stamp  till  they 
were  worn  out  on  Lincoln's  behalf.  The  '  Seward 
gang  '  meanwhile  was  parading  the  streets,  hoping 
by  this  means  to  attract  sympathizers  to  their  ranks. 
When  they  streamed  into  the  hall  they  found  the 
'  Lincoln  boys  '  were  already  established  there,  sending 
forth  thunders  of  applause  in  Lincoln's  favour.  In 
vain  the  '  Seward  gang  '  tried  to  drown  the  uproar. 

By  the  time  the  voting  was  due  to  begin  the  vast 
building  was  filled  to  overflowing.  According  to  the 
law  of  the  land  there  were  465  votes  to  be  cast.  No 
man  could  be  elected  until  he  got  more  than  half  the 
total  number  of  votes,  so  that  he  needed  to  have  at 
least  233  to  win.  When  the  first  ballot  was  taken 

136 


Great  Scenes  in  Chicago 

the  votes  were  scattered  among  a  good  many  candi- 
dates, and  when  the  numbers  were  announced  it  was 
found  that  Seward  had  173^  votes  and  Lincoln  102. 
Neither  candidate  was  as  yet  elected,  but  it  was  quite 
plain  that  one  or  the  other  of  these  two  must  win, 
since  the  other  names  were  far  below  them.  A  second 
ballot  was  therefore  called  for.  Most  of  the  delegates 
who  in  the  first  ballot  had  cast  their  votes  for  Chase, 
Cameron,  or  one  of  the  lesser-known  names  now  saw 
that  it  was  useless  to  vote  for  any  one  but  Lincoln  or 
Seward,  and  when  the  second  round  of  voting  took 
place  there  were  n  new  votes  for  Seward  and  79  for 
Lincoln.  This  meant  that  Seward  had  184!  votes 
and  Lincoln  181.  Neither  Lincoln  nor  Seward  was 
yet  elected,  however,  because  they  both  had  less  than 
the  required  233.  A  third  ballot  was  therefore  taken, 
and  this  time  it  was  found  that  Lincoln  had  231^  and 
Seward  only  180.  Lincoln  now  only  needed  a  vote 
and  a  half  to  win.  A  sudden  and  profound  silence 
fell  upon  the  great  gathering,  till  the  hush  was  broken 
by  a  delegate  from  Ohio  who  jumped  up  and  declared 
that  Ohio  would  change  four  of  her  votes  from  Chase 
to  Lincoln.  A  thunder  of  applause  broke  out.  By 
these  four  votes  Lincoln  had  now  235!  votes.  He 
was  nominated.  Seward  was  beaten.  , 

Lincoln's  triumph  was  a  bitter  disappointment  to 
Seward.  In  imagination  he  had  so  often  seen  him- 
self ruling  at  White  House  that  he  could  hardly 
realize  that  his  chance  of  the  prize  had  been 
snatched  from  him  by  this  daring  stranger,  and  the 
groans  of  the  '  Seward  gang  '  told  how  unexpected 
and  unpleasant  they  found  their  defeat.  Lincoln 
was  now  the  national  candidate  of  the  Republican 

137 


Abraham  Lincoln 

party.  He  was  not  yet  President.  He  had  to  face 
another  election  first,  and  in  this  election  he  would 
have  to  fight  against  the  candidates  chosen  by  the 
various  political  bodies  in  the  country,  who  would 
each  have  their  own  representative.  The  contest 
was  thus  by  no  means  over.  At  the  same  time, 
whether  he  was  defeated  or  successful  in  the  next 
round,  Lincoln  had  scored  a  great  triumph  in  becoming 
the  chosen  candidate  of  the  Republican  party.  He 
had  become  a  national  figure,  and  his  name  was  oa 
the  lips  of  every  one. 

When  the  results  of  the  nominations  of  the  other 
political  parties  were  made  known  it  was  found  that 
the  Democratic  party  had  had  a  split,  as  the  result 
of  which  two  candidates  were  nominated  ;  one  of 
these  was  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  the  other  Johft  C. 
Breckenridge.  A  new  party,  calling  itself  the  Con- 
stitutional Union  Party,  had  nominated  John  Bell. 
There  were  thus  four  candidates  in  all  for  the  last  round 
in  the  election  for  the  Presidency.  These  four  were  : 

ist.  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  candidate  of  the  Republi- 
can party.  Their  chief  doctrine  was  that  slavery  was 
wrong,  and  they  therefore  proposed  to  limit  it. 

2nd.  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  nominated  by  the 
Douglas  wing  of  the  Democratic  party.  Their  doc- 
trine was  an  indifference  toward  slavery  and  a  firm 
belief  in  government  by  '  popular  sovereignty.' 

3rd.  John  C.  Breckenridge,  nominated  by  the 
Buchanan  wing  of  the  Democratic  party.  Their 
chief  doctrine  was  that  slavery  was  morally  right, 
and  therefore  ought  to  be  extended. 

4th.  John  Bell,  nominated  by  the  Constitutional 
Union  Party,  which  ignored  altogether  the  slavery 

138 


Great  Scenes  in  Chicago 

question,  and  recognized  no  political  principles  except 
the  upholding  of  the  laws  and  constitution  of  the 
country. 

One  of  these  four  men  would  be  chosen  to  be  Presi- 
dent. The  burning  question  now  became  which. 

The  Chicago  convention  had  been  held  in  May, 
but  the  election  for  the  President  was  not  due  to 
take  place  till  November.  During  the  months  that 
lay  between,  each  candidate  therefore  busied  himself 
with  plans  for  the  coming  struggle.  Day  after  day 
Lincoln  sat  in  his  little  office  in  Springfield,  quietly 
receiving  the  long  stream  of  callers  who  came  to  wish 
him  well  in  his  campaign.  Among  the  thousands 
who  poured  in  upon  him  were  many  of  the  honest, 
simple  folk  he  had  known  in  his  earlier  days.  He  was 
still  '  Honest  Abe  '  to  them,  and  he  welcomed  them 
all  with  the  old  heartiness  and  simplicity.  The 
prospect  of  office  could  not  rob  Lincoln  of  his  kindli- 
ness, nor  did  it  breed  in  him  the  affected  bearing 
which  so  often  accompanies  a  great  change  in  a  man's 
fortune.  The  old  friends  who  came  to  see  him,  half 
wondering  if  he  would  be  unaltered,  went  away 
thoroughly  convinced  that  here  was  the  same  old 
friend  they  had  known  in  the  past,  and  the  wishes 
for  his  success  which  they  had  brought  with  them  were 
even  deeper  and  warmer  when  they  went  away. 

A  great  help  to  Lincoln  in  these  days  were  the  Wide- 
awake Clubs,  the  members  of  which,  dressed  in  capes 
of  red  or  white  oilskin,  and  each  carrying  a  flaming 
torch  or  coloured  lantern,  marched  every  night  in 
their  thousands  through  the  northern  towns,  making 
the  streets  look  like  fairyland  with  the  glare  of  their 
torches  and  the  glitter  of  the  gaudy  lanterns.  The 

139 


Abraham  Lincoln 

steady  tramp,  tramp,  tramp  of  their  orderly  tread 
echoed  through  the  silent  streets,  until  it  seemed  as 
if  an  army  was  passing  on  its  way  to  victory.  By 
means  such  as  this  the  Lincoln  party  captured  the 
fancy  of  the  populace,  and  added  hundreds  of  new 
voters  to  their  ranks. 

On  November  6th  the  votes  were  taken.  The 
electors  chosen  by  various  States  met  together  to  carry 
out  the  instructions  of  the  States  they  represented. 
There  were  303  voters.  With  great  deliberation  they 
cast  their  votes,  upon  which  it  was  found  that  Lincoln 
had  180,  Douglas  12,  Breckenridge  72,  Bell  39.  Lincoln 
was  therefore  easily  first.  Even  if  there  had  been  no 
split  in  the  Democratic  party,  and  the  votes  divided 
between  Douglas  and  Breckenridge  had  all  been  given 
to  Douglas,  Lincoln  would  still  have  been  ahead  of 
him.  The  great  event  was  over.  The  elections 
were  ended.  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  rail-splitter,  was 
President  of  the  United  States. 


140 


CHAPTER  XXI:  President  of 
the  United  States 

ALTHOUGH  it  was  November  1860  when 
Lincoln  was  chosen  President  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  according  to  the  laws  of 
the  country  he  would  not  enter  into  office  till  March 
the  4th,  1861.  Four  months  had  thus  to  pass  before 
he  would  be  in  power,  and  in  the  meantime  the  former 
President,  James  Buchanan,  would  continue  to  direct 
the  government  of  the  country.  It  was  a  difficult 
position  for  both  men.  Buchanan  was  known  to  be 
a  supporter  of  slavery ;  Lincoln  was  its  confessed 
opponent.  The  views  of  the  two  men  were  therefore 
very  different,  and  the  nation  knew  that  as  soon  as 
Lincoln  came  into  office  the  entire  policy  of  the  country 
would  be  changed.  Democrats  would  have  to  give 
way  to  Republicans,  and  the  supporters  of  slavery 
would  have  to  vacate  their  chairs  in  favour  of  free- 
State  men.  With  a  Republican  President  at  its  head, 
Congress  would  be  sure  to  reflect  Republican  views, 
and,  grimly  certain  that  for  the  time  being  they  were 
out  of  favour,  the  Democrats  prepared  to  meet  the 
coming  change  in  their  fortunes. 

But  these  general  difficulties  faded  away  into 
insignificance  in  comparison  with  the  gigantic  trouble 
which  was  brewing  between  the  North  and  the  South. 
The  Northern  States  had  always  held  staunchly  to  the 
doctrine  that  there  must  be  no  break  in  the  Union  ; 
that  at  all  costs  the  States  must  stand  by  one  another 
and  remain  true  to  the  Constitution  which  bound 
them  together.  The  South,  on  the  other  hand,  did 

141 


Abraham  Lincoln 

not  regard  this  doctrine  so  favourably.  They  declared 
that  citizens  owed  allegiance  first  of  all  to  the  State, 
and  after  that  to  the  Union.  This  was  only  another 
way  of  saying  that  if  any  State  disagreed  with  the 
policy  of  the  Union,  then  that  State  could  act  as  it 
pleased,  and  not  obey  the  Union,  in  which  case  the 
citizens  of  that  State  would  owe  loyalty  to  the  State, 
and  not  to  the  Union. 

This  doctrine,  so  agreeable  to  the  South,  was  looked 
upon  as  heresy  in  the  North.  Lincoln's  keen  mind  at 
once  saw  that  if  these  ideas  were  given  effect  to 
the  Union  would  be  in  the  gravest  danger.  If  each 
State  were  to  behave  in  the  way  it  liked  best, 
and  set  up  a  form  of  self-government,  what  would 
become  of  the  Union  ?  It  would  be  worthless,  and 
instead  of  being  one  great  nation  America  would  be 
split  up  into  groups  of  little  kingdoms,  each  complete 
within  itself,  but  without  any  power  outside  its 
own  limited  realm.  If  this  were  to  happen  America 
would  be  doomed.  Lincoln  realized  this,  and  to 
prevent  the  catastrophe  now  became  his  greatest 
desire.  As  future  President  of  the  United  States, 
he  determined  at  all  costs  to  keep  them  '  united,' 
and  in  the  four  quiet  months  which  lay  between  his 
election  and  the  beginning  of  his  rule  he  day  and 
night  set  himself  to  study  the  problem  with  which  he 
knew  he  would  before  long  have  to  grapple. 

While  these  ideas  were  simmering  in  Lincoln's  mind 
the  Southern  States  began  to  take  definite  action. 
The  election  of  Lincoln  had  been  received  with  deep 
disgust  and  contempt.  "  What !  "  cried  the  slave- 
owning  South,  "  be  ruled  by  a  Republican  !  Never  !  " 
and  in  this  spirit  they  began  to  make  plans  for  revolt. 

142 


President  of  the  United  States 

Six  weeks  later  a  great  convention  was  held  at 
Charleston,  in  South  Carolina.  Hundreds  of  excited 
citizens  were  present,  and  amid  loud  applause  they 
framed  a  resolution  declaring  that  South  Carolina 
was  a  free  and  independent  State,  that  she  separated 
herself  from  the  Union,  and  henceforth  would  manage 
her  own  affairs. 

The  news  of  this  convention  spread  rapidly  through 
the  country.  The  North  was  aghast  at  the  boldness 
of  the  South,  and  it  looked  eagerly  to  Washington 
to  put  down  this  unparalleled  rebellion.  At  Wash- 
ington James  Buchanan  sat  in  the  White  House.  He 
was  a  man  who  did  not  care  to  embroil  himself  in 
difficulties,  and  he  knew  that  before  long  another 
ruler  would  occupy  his  place.  His  only  answer,  there- 
fore, was,  "  I  have  no  power  to  interfere  " — a  reply 
which  delighted  the  South  and  made  the  North  boil 
with  rage. 

In  Springfield  Lincoln  also  heard  the  news  of 
Buchanan's  reply.  It  did  not  surprise  him.  He  had 
not  expected  any  activity  from  the  White  House. 
But  before  many  weeks  should  pass  he  would  be  the 
man  who  would  sit  in  the  White  House.  "  And  then 
I  shall  interfere,"  he  thought  to  himself  grimly. 

There  were  others  besides  Lincoln  who  thought 
the  time  for  interference  had  arrived.  Foremost 
among  these  was  General  Winfield  Scott,  an  old 
and  tried  soldier,  who  scented  danger  in  the  air  and 
chafed  at  the  prolonged  inaction  in  Washington.  By 
and  by  word  came  that  Florida,  Alabama,  Mississippi, 
Georgia,  Louisiana,  and  Texas  had  all  followed  the 
example  of  South  Carolina  and  seceded  from  the 
Union.  They  had  joined  themselves  together  in  a 

143 


Abraham  Lincoln 

new  bond  and  now  styled  themselves  the  Confederate 
States  of  America.  They  drew  up  laws  and  pro- 
claimed a  new  Government.  Some  one  had  to  be  at 
the  head  of  affairs,  so  they  chose  Jefferson  Davis  and 
made  him  their  President.  The  United  States  Govern- 
ment was  thus  brought  face  to  face  with  a  very 
difficult  situation.  The  seven  rebel  States  by  law 
still  belonged  to  the  Union,  but  by  their  own  pro- 
clamation they  would  have  nothing  more  to  do  with 
the  Government  at  Washington.  They  had  thrown 
off  the  Union  and  become  their  own  governors.  The 
Northern  citizens,  startled  and  bewildered  at  these 
happenings,  looked  on  in  helpless  dismay.  In  the 
White  House  Buchanan  still  murmured,  "  I  have  no 
power  to  interfere  !  "  But  like  a  thunder  wave  from 
Springfield  rolled  the  words,  "  You  shall  not  go  out 
of  the  Union." 

Lincoln's  steady  determination  to  combat  the  seven 
rebellious  States  did  not  meet  with  unbroken  approval 
even  in  the  North.  A  good  many  of  the  Northerners 
were  quite  willing  to  let  the  South  separate  from 
them.  "  If  they  want  to  go,  why  not  ?  "  they  said. 
In  the  new  movement  they  saw  an  easy  way  out  of 
the  troublesome  slave  question.  The  South  could 
keep  their  slaves  and  manage  their  own  affairs  as 
they  liked.  The  North  could  abolish  slavery  and 
also  manage  their  affairs  as  they  best  liked.  Both 
parties  would  thus  be  satisfied,  and  what  could  be 
simpler  ?  Therefore  the  North  was  not  wholly  in 
favour  of  hindering  the  South  in  their  new  enterprise  ; 
some,  indeed,  even  wished  the  undertaking  well. 

There  was  one  man,  however,  who  was  getting 
increasingly  anxious  about  affairs.  General  Winfield 

144 


President  of  the  United  States 

Scott  was  not  slow  to  see  that  the  nation  was  quickly 
approaching  a  crisis.  To  a  friend  he  exclaimed 
earnestly  :  "I  wish  to  God  Mr  Lincoln  was  in  office  ! 
I  do  not  know  him,  but  I  believe  him  a  true,  honest, 
and  conservative  man."  Then  he  added  anxiously : 
"Is  he  a  firm  man  ?  "  The  friend  replied  that  he  had 
known  Lincoln  long  and  well  and  that  he  might  be 
counted  upon  doing  his  whole  duty  in  the  sight  of  a 
furnace  seven  times  heated.  The  old  general  gave  a 
sigh  of  relief.  "  All  is  not  lost,"  he  said  hopefully. 

While  the  North  was  still  inactive  and  undecided 
the  Confederates  were  busily  pushing  forward  their 
own  interests.  They  attacked  a  steamer  flying  the 
United  States  flag,  hoisted  their  own  banner  where- 
ever  possible,  and  generally  prepared  for  war.  These 
indignities  roused  one  member  of  Buchanan's  Govern- 
ment to  prompt  action.  John  A.  Dix  was  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  and  hearing  of  the  high-handed 
doings  of  the  Confederates  he  wired  hastily  to  the 
Northern  military  stations :  "If  any  man  attempts 
to  haul  down  the  American  flag  shoot  him  on  the 
spot." 

On  the  nth  of  February,  1861,  Lincoln  prepared 
to  leave  Springfield.  He  had  agreed  to  make  a  tour 
of  several  cities  on  his  way  to  the  capital,  including 
Indianapolis,  Columbus,  Cincinnati,  Cleveland,  Pitts- 
burg,  Buffalo,  Albany,  New  York,  Steubenville, 
Trenton,  Philadelphia,  and  Harrisburg.  He  had  no 
desire  to  parade  himself,  for  he  was  no  lover  of  show, 
but  he  believed  that  by  visiting  these  cities  he  would 
draw  them  closer  to  him  and  incline  them  to  support 
the  policy  he  meant  to  carry  out.  When  he  left 
Springfield  a  crowd  of  at  least  a  thousand  people  came 
K  145 


Abraham  Lincoln 

to  bid  him  farewell.  Before  he  started  he  made  one 
of  his  simple  little  speeches,  which  are  still  famous, 
and  bidding  his  friends  good-bye  he  stepped  into  the 
train  which  was  to  carry  him  toward  his  high  destiny. 

In  each  of  the  cities  he  visited  he  had  a  great  recep- 
tion, till  he  reached  Philadelphia,  where  he  received 
news  that  there  was  a  plot  to  murder  him  on  his 
way  through  Baltimore.  After  quietly  concluding  his 
promised  visit  to  Harrisburg  he  therefore  made  a 
slight  change  in  his  plans,  and  reached  the  city  of 
Washington  in  safety  about  a  week  before  he  was  to 
be  made  President.  A  week  later  a  gorgeous  ceremony 
signalized  his  entry  into  office,  and  Abraham  Lincoln, 
dressed  in  new  and  unaccustomed  finery,  stood 
awkwardly  before  the  audience,  his  hat  in  his  hand, 
not  daring  to  place  it  on  the  floor  lest  it  should  spoil 
its  brave  surface.  Looking  round  the  marble  columns 
of  the  Capitol,  he  said  humorously :  "  I  don't  see 
any  nail  here  to  hang  this  on  " ;  whereupon,  with  his 
usual  ready  grace,  Stephen  A.  Douglas  sprang  for- 
ward. "  If  I  cannot  be  President,  at  least  I  can 
hold  the  President's  hat,"  he  cried. 

In  firm,  solemn  tones  Lincoln  entered  upon  his 
address,  the  chief  note  in  which  was  that,  whatever 
might  happen,  the  Union  must  be  kept  unbroken. 
Very  gravely  he  pointed  out  the  dangers  that  would 
follow  upon  separation,  and  as  the  men  before  him 
listened  to  his  words  some  of  the  President's  own 
earnestness  filled  their  hearts,  and  looking  through 
his  mind  into  the  future  they  realized  more  fully 
than  ever  before  that  without  the  Union  there  could 
be  no  America.  Their  hearts  leapt  as  they  renewed 
their  silent  vow  that  the  South  should  never  be 

146 


President  of  the  United  States 

allowed  to  separate  itself.  But  Lincoln  was  still 
speaking.  "  I  am  loath  to  close,"  he  said.  "  We  are 
not  enemies,  but  friends.  We  must  not  be  enemies. 
Though  passion  may  have  strained,  it  must  not 
break  our  bonds  of  affection.  The  mystic  chords  of 
memory,  stretching  from  every  battlefield  and  patriot 
grave  to  every  living  heart  or  hearthstone  all  over 
this  broad  land,  will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the 
Union,  when  again  touched,  as  surely  they  will  be, 
by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature." 

On  this  note  of  bright  hope  Lincoln  brought  his 
speech  to  a  close.  The  ceremony  was  over.  He  was 
now  President  in  earnest. 


147 


CHAPTER  XXII:  Difficult 
Times 

GENERALLY  speaking,  Lincoln's  election  had 
been  hailed  with  delight  in  the  North,  but  he 
had  many  enemies  even  in  Washington  City 
and  he  found  himself  faced  with  terrible  difficulties. 
The  rebellious  South,  despising  him  as  an  uneducated 
man  from  nowhere,  was  determined  to  ridicule  his 
authority,  and  lost  no  time  in  rising  up  in  arms 
against  him.  "  A  glorious  future  is  before  us,"  cried 
its  President,  Jefferson  Davis.  "  The  grass  will  grow 
in  the  Northern  cities  where  the  pavements  have  been 
worn  by  the  tread  of  commerce.  We  will  carry  war 
where  food  for  the  sword  and  torch  await  our  armies 
in  the  densely  peopled  cities." 

These  threats  of  what  the  South  intended  to  do 
threw  many  of  the  Northern  citizens  into  a  state 
of  great  terror.  The  South,  seizing  its  advantage, 
flung  out  further  hints  of  the  desolation  that  would 
follow  in  its  marching  train.  But  there  was  one 
man  who  was  absolutely  unmoved  by  these  menaces 
and  who  remained  calm  before  the  most  lusty  out- 
breaks. Abraham  Lincoln  did  not  underrate  the 
seriousness  of  the  danger  hanging  over  the  country ; 
he  realized  perhaps  more  clearly  than  any  one  the 
horrible  catastrophe  that  was  about  to  take  place, 
but  he  had  weighed  up  the  situation  and  his  plans 
were  ready.  When  the  time  came  he  would  strike 
his  blow  ;  till  then  there  was  little  to  be  done  except 
to  set  everything  in  order  for  the  great  counter-stroke. 
In  his  heart  of  hearts  Lincoln  still  hoped  that  some 
148 


Difficult  Times 

way  out  of  the  difficulty  would  be  found  without 
shedding  blood.  He  clung  to  the  idea  that  the  South 
would  presently  realize  the  terrible  crisis  she  was 
creating  and,  startled  by  the  picture,  would  of  her 
own  accord  lay  down  her  arms.  When  this  hope 
gradually  faded  before  the  unshaken  determination  of 
the  Confederates,  Lincoln,  aware  that  war  could  not 
now  be  avoided,  resolved  that  the  opening  blow  should 
come  from  the  South.  The  North  should  never  be  the 
first  one  to  strike.  If  the  South  were  to  attack,  then 
the  North  would  be  bound  to  make  reply.  Till  then 
the  North  should  do  nothing  to  provoke  a  conflict. 

With  this  determination  firmly  fixed  in  his  mind, 
Lincoln  set  about  choosing  his  ministers.  According 
to  the  rules  of  the  United  States,  the  President  had 
the  power  of  naming  them  himself.  As  a  check  upon 
this  authority,  the  veto  of  the  President  on  any 
measure  might  be  set  aside  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds 
of  the  members  of  Congress.  This  provision  kept 
the  President  from  becoming  a  despot,  while  the  per- 
mission to  choose  his  own  ministers  helped  him  to 
carry  out  the  policy  he  wished  to  follow,  provided 
such  policy  was  not  opposed  by  two-thirds  of  the 
members  of  Congress  chosen  to  represent  the  nation. 

The  first  man  Lincoln  placed  in  his  Cabinet  was 
William  H.  Seward,  whom  he  made  Secretary  of 
State.  Seward  had  been  bitterly  disappointed  at 
not  being  made  President  himself,  and  in  a  letter  to 
his  wife  he  had  spoken  of  himself  as  "  a  leader  de- 
posed by  my  own  party  in  the  hour  of  organization 
for  decisive  battle."  Nevertheless  he  did  not  give 
up  all  hope  of  ruling.  He  did  not  know  Lincoln  well, 
and  believed  himself  the  superior  man.  He  hoped 

149 


Abraham  Lincoln 

that  he  would  be  able  to  mould  the  President  to  his 
will,  and  rule  through  him.  He  believed  he  himself 
was  the  man  best  fitted  to  guide  the  United  States 
in  this  hour  of  danger,  and  he  had  already  adopted 
an  air  of  ego  ct  rex  meus  when  Lincoln  quietly  but 
once  and  for  all  showed  him  that  the  President  was 
quite  able  to  govern  by  himself  and  that  he  certainly 
intended  to  do  so. 

Baffled  in  his  schemes  for  leading  the  President, 
Seward  began  to  study  Lincoln  in  earnest,  with  the 
result  that  he  soon  became  so  convinced  of  Lincoln's 
greatness  that  he  willingly  stepped  into  the  second 
place  and  counted  himself  happy  in  serving  a  man  of 
such  clear  genius.  The  close  tie  of  affection  thus 
gradually  woven  between  these  two  great  men  lasted 
unbroken  till  Lincoln's  death.  With  true  fineness  of 
character  Seward  acknowledged  Lincoln  as  "  the  best 
among  us  all";  while  Lincoln,  who  always  warmed 
under  appreciation,  not  only  paid  tribute  to  Seward's 
abilities,  but  gave  him  a  very  tender  place  in  his  regard. 

Lincoln's  plans  for  the  administration  of  the  govern- 
ment were  interrupted  directly  after  his  inauguration 
by  a  rude  shock.  The  South,  determined  to  startle  the 
North,  was  bending  its  strength  upon  Fort  Sumter, 
where  Major  Robert  Anderson,  the  Union  commander 
in  charge,  had  established  himself  at  the  end  of  1860. 

Hard  upon  Lincoln's  first  speech  as  President, 
delegates  from  South  Carolina  were  sent  to  Washing- 
ton for  the  purpose  of  parleying  with  the  North, 
but  Lincoln  refused  to  treat  with  these  '  insurgent 
agents,'  and  their  mission  failed  utterly.  Seeing 
this,  the  South  began  feverishly  to  erect  batteries 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Fort  Sumter,  with  the 

150 


Difficult  Times 

intention  of  forcing  the  North  into  action.      Major 
Anderson   was    fully   alive    to   the   danger,   and    he 
realized  that  at   least  20,000   men   and  a   fleet  of 
war  vessels  would  be  needed  to  defend  his  strong- 
hold against  attack.     He  wrote  to  Washington  stating 
his  opinion.     Here  was  a  dilemma  for  a  President 
barely  in  office  !     Neither  soldiers  nor  ships  were  to 
hand,  and  danger  that  might  end  in  civil  war  was 
threatening.      General    Scott,   well   acquainted   with 
warfare,  thought  that  it  would  be  wiser  to  abandon 
Fort    Sumter,  but    Lincoln  and   his    ministers  were 
determined  not  to  yield.     Later  on  Anderson  sent  a 
message  imploring  food.     The  Government  at  Wash- 
ington replied  that  relief  should  be  sent,  whatever 
opposition    might    be    offered    by  the    Confederates. 
Lincoln  was  still  very  anxious  to  avoid  civil  war  if 
possible,  and  therefore,  instead  of  gathering  a  large 
army  of  volunteers,  he  resolved  not  to  send  infantry 
reinforcements,  but  to  prepare  a  fleet  of  vessels  to  help 
Fort  Sumter  by  sea.     These  he  ordered  to  be  got  ready 
by  April  6th.     But  the  equipment  of  vessels  takes  time, 
and  through  a  series  of  accidents  by  April  I2th  the 
fleet  had  still  not  arrived  at  Fort  Sumter.     Meanwhile 
on  April  I2th  the  Confederates  began  to  bombard  the 
fortress.   It  was  a  declaration  of  war.    North  and  South 
were  now  openly  enemies.     For  a  day  and  a  half  the 
attack  went  on,  but  the  Union  ships  were  still  not  in 
sight,  and  on  the  I4th  Major  Anderson  had  to  surrender. 
The  Union  flag  was  hauled  down  and  the  Confederate 
banner  put  in  its  place.     The  Northern  States  were 
paralysed  by  the  news  that  war  had  broken  out  and 
that  they  had  been  beaten  by  their  opponents.     Fort 
Sumter  had  fallen.     What  might  not  happen  next  ? 


CHAPTER  XXIII:  Civil  War 

THE  news  of  the  fall  of  Foil  Sumter  pricked 
the  North  into  sudden  action.  Lincoln 
ordered  the  enlistment  of  65,000  regulars 
for  three  years'  service.  He  then  asked  for  75,000 
volunteers  who  would  be  willing  to  serve  their  country 
for  three  months.  He  got  them  in  a  few  days.  From 
every  Northern  State  men  poured  in  demanding  a 
place  in  the  army  that  was  to  put  down  the  upstart 
South.  Many  of  these  volunteers  joined  the  army 
without  any  idea  of  the  greatness  of  the  struggle  that 
was  now  beginning.  They  thought  the  Southerners 
were  mere  pretentious  rebels  who  could  very  soon  be 
put  in  their  place.  But  the  South  had  been  preparing 
for  this  moment  for  some  years  ;  they  had  huge  stores 
of  guns  and  ammunition  and  they  were  not  likely 
to  be  conquered  easily.  The  gay  jests  of  the  North 
about  running  these  cotton  fellows  to  earth  died 
away  when  they  saw  the  equipment  of  their  enemy, 
and  they  began  to  pull  themselves  together  in  earnest. 
This  was  not  a  game  ;  it  was  war. 

In  appointing  a  general  to  lead  the  Unionist  army 
Lincoln  turned  instinctively  to  Robert  E.  Lee. 
General  Winfield  Scott  was  well  over  seventy,  and 
though  he  was  a  well-tried,  splendid  soldier  his  age 
prevented  him  from  taking  supreme  command.  Lee, 
a  colonel  in  the  army,  was  still  in  middle  life,  and  the 
office  was  offered  to  him.  But  there  was  a  difficulty 
in  the  way.  Lee  belonged  to  Virginia,  and  though 
Virginia  had  not  yet  joined  the  Confederacy  she  was 
inclining  that  way.  A  few  weeks  later  Virginia 
went  over  to  the  South,  whereupon  Lee  gave  up  his 

152 


Civil  War 

commission  in  the  Northern  army  and  offered  his 
services  to  the  South.  He  was  promptly  put  in 
supreme  command  of  the  Confederate  army,  and  war 
preparations  were  pressed  forward.  The  number  of 
the  rebelling  States  gradually  crept  up  to  eleven.  War 
now  definitely  broke  out  between  the  North,  consisting 
of  twenty-four  States  with  a  population  of  21,611,422 
whites  and  342,212  slaves,  and  the  South,  consisting 
of  5,115,790  whites  and  3,508,131  slaves.  The  plain 
fact  that  the  North  had  so  many  more  men  than  the 
South  made  it  pretty  certain  that  they  would  win  in 
the  end ;  but  they  were  not  likely  to  win  easily,  for 
the  Southern  officers  were  better  trained  and  more 
ready  for  war.  They  were  already  equipped  for  battle, 
while  the  Northerners  were  still  only  gathering  un- 
trained volunteers,  who  came  singing  lustily : 

We  are  coming,  Father  Abraham, 
Five  hundred  thousand  strong. 

Outside  America  public  opinion  was  by  no  means 
altogether  in  favour  of  the  North — England  in  par- 
ticular was  distinctly  inclined  to  take  the  side  of  the 
South.  With  centuries  of  history  behind  her,  England 
was  apt  to  feel  warmer  toward  the  Southern  '  aristo- 
cracy '  than  to  the  Northerners,  whom  they  wrong- 
fully judged  to  be  little  better  than  barbarians. 
Moreover,  the  trade  of  England  was  touched  by  the 
war.  Thousands  of  bales  of  cotton  were  exported 
annually  to  Lancashire  from  the  cotton -fields  of 
America.  When  Lincoln  announced  a  blockade  of 
the  South,  and  the  cotton  cargoes  expected  in  Eng- 
land did  not  arrive,  cotton  manufacturers  began 
to  feel  the  pinch  of  the  war  across  the  Atlantic. 

153 


Abraham  Lincoln 

Rich  mill-owners  grew  testy  and  denounced  the  inter- 
fering North,  and  several  speeches  in  the  House  of 
Commons  showed  a  decided  leaning  toward  the  Con- 
federates. A  few  of  the  nobility  followed  the  lead  of 
the  Duke  of  Argyll,  who  was  strongly  in  favour  of 
preserving  the  Union  and  publicly  declared  :  "  Gentle- 
men, I  think  we  ought  to  admit,  in  fairness  to  the 
Americans,  that  there  are  some  things  worth  fighting 
for,  and  that  national  existence  is  one  of  them." 

His  words  did  not  find  a  very  warm  response. 
Generally  speaking,  the  upper  and  middle  classes  of 
England  were  far  more  inclined  to  support  the  South 
in  their  efforts  to  preserve  the  cotton  trade  than  to 
help  the  North  to  preserve  the  Union  or  to  liberate 
the  slaves.  They  talked  lightly  of  the  idleness  of  the 
negro,  of  his  happy  home  in  the  cotton  plantations, 
his  general  contentment  with  his  lot. 

One  body  of  people,  however,  did  not  echo  these 
words.  The  working  classes  in  the  north  of  England, 
although  thrown  out  of  work  through  the  stoppage 
of  the  mills,  and  thereby  forced  to  suffer  bitterly 
from  cold  and  hunger,  persistently  took  the  part  of 
the  slave.  The  working  men  of  Manchester,  anxious 
to  show  their  sympathy,  sent  an  admiring  address  to 
the  President,  and  Lincoln,  deeply  moved  by  this 
sign  of  friendship,  replied  warmly :  "  Through  the 
action  of  our  disloyal  citizens  the  working  men  of 
Europe  have  been  subjected  to  a  severe  trial  for  the 
purpose  of  forcing  their  sanction  to  that  attempt. 
Under  these  circumstances  I  cannot  but  regard  your 
decisive  utterances  upon  the  question  as  an  instance 
of  sublime  Christian  heroism,  which  has  not  been  sur- 
passed in  any  age  or  in  any  country." 

154 


Civil  War 

The  first  great  battle  of  the  Civil  War  was  fought 
on  July  2ist  at  Bull  Run,  not  far  from  the  city 
of  Washington.  It  was  a  terrible  battle,  and  ended 
in  favour  of  the  Confederates.  The  Union  army, 
frightened  and  put  to  rout,  fled  pell-mell  into 
Washington,  fearful  of  what  might  happen  next  even 
within  the  walls  of  the  capital. 

The  Northern  citizens  had  not  yet  learned  to  expect 
defeat,  and  this  sudden  disaster  flung  them  into  dis- 
may. Sheer  terror  seized  them,  and  if  the  Confeder- 
ate army  had  pressed  the  city  hard  at  the  moment 
it  might  have  fallen  into  their  hands.  But  the  crisis 
passed  without  this  catastrophe,  and  the  Union  army, 
recovering  from  its  shock,  now  began  to  settle  down 
in  earnest  to  the  great  task  before  it. 

In  August  1861  George  B.  McClellan  was  put  in 
supreme  command  of  the  Union  army.  He  took  up 
his  position  on  the  Potomac,  and  every  one  hoped  for 
great  things  from  him.  "  The  war  will  soon  be  over 
now,"  they  said.  "  McClellan's  army  will  not  be  long 
in  finishing  the  work." 

But  McClellan  was  not  the  kind  of  man  to  deal 
with  sudden  emergencies.  Though  a  good  soldier,  he 
was  slow  in  taking  action,  and  in  a  crisis  he  often 
lost  the  day  through  his  hesitation.  His  report 
"  All  quiet  on  the  Potomac  "  was  received  with  thank- 
fulness at  first,  but  it  gradually  passed  into  a  joke 
when  month  after  month  passed  and  still  McClellan 
made  no  move. 

"  What  is  the  message  to-day  ?  "  people  would  ask 
each  other.  "  All  quiet  on  the  Potomac  "  would  be  the 
reply,  and  with  a  contemptuous  shrug  the  speakers 
would  pass  on  their  way. 

155 


Abraham  Lincoln 

A  year  passed  and  the  war  which  the  North  had 
supposed  would  be  over  in  three  months  was  still 
going  on.  To  increase  the  numbers  in  the  army, 
and  to  make  the  free  negroes  loyal,  Lincoln  declared 
that  they  might  be  permitted  to  enlist.  The  South 
set  up  a  great  outcry.  "  What !  put  black  men  to 
kill  white  men  !  "  they  said,  but  Lincoln  was  aware 
that  negroes  would  be  a  great  help  in  garrison  duty 
and  in  the  labours  of  the  camp,  and  he  therefore 
authorised  the  admission  of  130,000  from  among 
them. 

At  first  these  coloured  soldiers  were  paid  less  than 
the  white  men,  but  in  1864  they  were  given  equal 
pay.  A  great  many  of  Lincoln's  supporters  were 
opposed  to  the  employment  of  negroes  in  the  army, 
but  he  paid  no  heed  to  their  protests,  nor  to  the  agita- 
tions of  the  Abolitionists,  who  continued  to  demand 
an  immediate  proclamation  setting  free  all  slaves. 
"  My  paramount  object,"  replied  Lincoln  firmly, 
"  is  to  save  the  Union,  and  not  either  to  save  or 
destroy  slavery  !  "  This  was  the  only  answer  that 
he  would  give  to  the  many  who  called  upon  him  on 
behalf  of 'the  slaves.  In  his  own  mind  Lincoln  had 
fully  determined  to  free  the  slaves,  but  he  had  not 
yet  decided  when  he  would  issue  the  edict.  He 
decided  that  the  time  was  not  yet  ripe,  and  till  then 
he  refused  to  be  moved  by  the  prayers  of  any  man. 

In  the  spring  of  1862  McClellan  made  his  long- 
expected  move  across  the  Potomac,  only  to  find  that 
the  enemy  camp  at  Bull  Run  had  been  evacuated. 
The  next  day  he  resigned  his  general  command,  and 
henceforward  he  commanded  the  forces  on  the  Poto- 
mac only.  John  C.  Fremont  was  put  in  command 

156 


Civil  War 

of  the  Mountain  department,  and  Henry  Wager 
Halleck  in  command  of  the  Mississippi. 

Lincoln  had  placed  great  confidence  in  McClellan. 
He  had  shown  great  patience  in  dealing  with  him, 
and  when  one  of  his  friends  had  protested  against  the 
careless  way  in  which  tjie  General  received  the  Pre- 
sident, sometimes  keeping  him  waiting  at  his  house 
for  an  hour  till  he  chose  to  attend  to  him,  Lincoln 
replied  good-humouredly :  "  Never  mind,  I  will  hold 
McClellan's  horse  if  he  will  only  bring  us  success." 
But  when  McClellan  kept  on  delaying  Lincoln  began 
to  think  there  must  be  a  change.  McClellan's  mis- 
management of  the  battle  of  Antietam  further 
strengthened  the  President's  belief  in  the  necessity 
for  a  new  general.  He  visited  the  camp  himself  and 
carefully  went  over  the  ground  of  the  battle.  Then 
he  returned  to  Washington,  determined  to  give 
McClellan  but  one  more  chance.  This  chance  came 
in  October,  when  Lincoln  telegraphed  to  McClellan 
to  follow  up  the  enemy  and  force  a  battle  upon  him. 
A  month  later  McClellan  had  still  not  carried  out  the 
President's  instructions,  whereupon  Lincoln  removed 
him  from  his  command  and  put  General  Burnside  in 
his  place. 

The  terrible  Civil  War  was  slowly  dragging  on. 
Sometimes  the  North  scored  a  victory,  sometimes 
the  South  won  a  triumph,  but  neither  side  was  strong 
enough  completely  to  crush  the  other.  One  general 
on  the  Union  side  was  making  a  name  for  himself. 
Ulysses  S.  Grant,  while  in  command  of  the  forces  at 
West  Tennessee,  had  won  a  great  success  at  Vicks- 
burg,  for  which  he  had  been  warmly  thanked  on  behalf 
of  the  nation  in  a  letter  written  by  the  President  him- 

157 


Abraham  Lincoln 

self.  A  day  earlier  General  George  C.  Meade  had 
defeated  the  Confederate  general  Robert  Lee  at 
Gettysburg,  and  the  tide  appeared  to  be  at  last  turn- 
ing in  favour  of  the  North.  In  March  1864  Grant 
was  summoned  to  Washington  and  put  in  command 
of  all  the  armies  of  the  United  States,  in  the  place  of 
Halleck,  who  was  to  remain  at  Washington  to  act 
as  the  President's  Chief  of  Staff.  Every  one  in  the 
North  hoped  now  that  the  war — more  dreadful  than 
most  wars  because  it  was  fought  between  men  belong- 
ing to  the  same  nation — would  soon  be  brought  to  a 
close. 


158 


CHAPTER  XXIV:  The  End 

of  Slavery 

THE  battle  of  Antietam,  near  Sharpsburg, 
Maryland,  which  was  won  by  the  Union 
army  under  McClellan  on  September  lyth, 
1862,  had  a  very  important  bearing  upon  the  war. 
The  Confederate  army,  under  their  splendid  general, 
Lee,  were  intent  upon  invading  the  North.  They 
had  succeeded  in  crossing  the  Potomac,  and  had  they 
won  the  day  at  Antietam  they  might  actually  have 
been  able  to  carry  out  their  plan  of  bringing  war  right 
into  the  heart  of  the  North. 

McClellan  had  nearly  40,000  more  men  than  the 
enemy,  but  Lee  was  by  far  the  better  general.  Never- 
theless, when  it  came  to  fighting  numbers  told,  with 
the  result  that  victory  went  to  McClellan.  As  usual 
he  was  slow  in  following  up  his  triumph,  and  Lee 
was  able  to  withdraw  his  troops  in  safety  across 
the  Potomac.  Thus  ended  the  first  invasion  of  the 
North,  which  might  have  resulted  in  a  far  greater 
victory  if  McClellan  had  only  followed  swiftly  after  Lee. 

The  North,  although  thankful  that  McClellan  had 
won,  was  disappointed  that  he  had  not  done  better. 
The  South  was  also  disappointed.  They  had  been  ex- 
pecting to  see  the  whole  of  Maryland  rise  up  and  help 
to  eject  the  Northerners,  but  nothing  of  the  kind  had 
happened.  Meanwhile  McClellan  decided  to  rest  his 
troops  and  make  fresh  plans,  and  Lee,  seizing  his 
opportunity,  led  his  army  safely  into  Virginia. 

Although  greatly  vexed  that  McClellan  had  not 
tackled  Lee  more  thoroughly,  Lincoln  was  grateful 

159 


Abraham  Lincoln 

for  any  victory,  and  his  gratitude  now  took  practical 
form.  For  a  long  time  he  had  determined  to  give 
the  slaves  their  freedom,  and  he  had  only  been  wait- 
ing for  the  right  moment  to  proclaim  publicly  his  in- 
tention. He  decided  that  the  right  moment  had  now 
come,  and  calling  together  his  Cabinet  he  told  them 
what  he  meant  to  do.  Many  of  his  ministers  did  not 
think  it  a  good  plan.  They  would  have  been  willing 
to  let  slavery  remain  as  it  was  until  the  war  should 
be  over.  But  Lincoln  was  not  to  be  moved  from  his 
purpose.  Therefore,  on  September  22nd,  1862,  the 
proclamation  was  given  to  the  nation. 

By  this  proclamation,  which  was  to  come  into  force 
on  the  ist  of  January,  1863,  Lincoln  declared  the 
freedom  of  all  slaves  within  States  which  should  be 
at  war  with  the  Union  on  New  Year's  Day  1863.  No 
doubt  he  hoped  that  in  order  to  keep  their  slaves 
some  at  least  of  the  rebelling  States  might  make  peace 
with  the  Union  before  New  Year's  Day.  By  making 
peace  with  the  Union  the  States  would  be  able  to 
retain  their  slaves,  in  so  far  as  the  declaration  only 
promised  freedom  to  slaves  who  were  in  the  States 
that  were  at  war  with  the  Union.  This  distinction 
clearly  proved  that  though  Lincoln  was  anxious  to 
help  the  slaves,  he  was  still  more  anxious  to  preserve 
the  Union.  But  if  he  had  hoped  by  the  terms  of 
his  proclamation  to  hasten  peace  between  the  North 
and  the  South,  he  was  soon  disappointed.  The 
South  showed  no  sign  of  a  desire  for  peace,  but  went 
on  with  the  war  as  vigorously  as  ever.  Meanwhile 
the  ist  of  January,  1863,  drew  near,  and  Lincoln 
issued  a  declaration  which  ran : 

"  Now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President 
1 60 


The  End  of  Slavery 

of  the  United  States,  by  virtue  of  the  power  in  me 
vested  as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy 
of  the  United  States,  in  time  of  actual  armed  rebellion 
against  the  authority  and  government  of  the  United 
States,  and  as  a  fit  and  necessary  war  measure  for  sup- 
pressing the  said  rebellion,  do,  on  this  first  day  of 
January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  sixty-three,  and  in  accordance  with  my 
purpose  so  to  do,  publicly  proclaimed  for  the  full 
period  of  one  hundred  days  from  the  day  first  above 
mentioned,  order  and  designate  as  the  States  and  parts 
of  the  States  wherein  the  people  thereof,  respectively, 
are  this  day  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States, 
to  wit  [here  followed  a  list  of  the  States  in  rebellion]. 
And  by  virtue  of  the  power  and  for  the  purpose  afore- 
said, I  do  order  and  declare  that  all  persons  held  as 
slaves  within  said  designated  States  and  parts  of 
States,  are,  and  henceforward  shall  be,  free ;  and 
that  the  executive  Government  of  the  United  States, 
including  the  military  and  naval  authorities  thereof, 
will  recognize  and  maintain  the  freedom  of  said 
persons. 

"  And  I  hereby  enjoin  upon  the  people  so  declared 
to  be  free  to  abstain  from  all  violence,  unless  in 
necessary  self-defence ;  and  I  recommend  to  them 
that,  in  all  cases  when  allowed,  they  labour  faithfully 
for  reasonable  wages." 

The  great  document  which  thus  became  law  did 
not  please  every  one.  Those  men  who  were  anxious 
to  uphold  the  Union,  but  who  did  not  care  about  the 
slaves,  were  angry  because  they  said  Lincoln  was 
thinking  more  about  the  slaves  than  about  preserving 
the  Union ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Abolitionists 
L  161 


Abraham  Lincoln 

did  not  think  he  had  done  enough  for  the  slaves, 
and  so  both  parties  grumbled.  Lincoln  was  very 
little  moved  by  this  discontent.  He  had  already 
mapped  out  in  his  mind  the  course  he  meant  to  follow 
and  did  not  intend  to  be  turned  aside  by  the  criticisms 
of  any  political  body.  He  did  not  consider  that  the 
proclamation  he  had  issued  would  be  his  final  word 
about  the  slave  question.  His  aim  was  to  work 
gradually  toward  a  state  of  things  which  would  make 
it  possible  for  slavery  to  be  for  ever  forbidden  by 
law,  but  he  did  not  think  the  time  for  this  change 
had  yet  arrived.  Two  years  later  this  moment 
dawned,  when,  on  January  3ist,  1865,  Congress  sat 
to  consider  a  resolution  passed  by  the  Senate  pro- 
hibiting slavery  in  the  United  States.  The  House 
was  crowded  with  eager  onlookers.  Among  the 
members  not  a  seat  was  empty.  Up  to  the  very  last 
the  pro-slavery  party  hoped  to  defeat  the  measure. 
No  one  felt  certain  how  the  scales  would  turn,  and 
amid  breathless  excitement  the  final  vote  was  taken. 
After  a  pause  the  Speaker  rose  and  announced  the 
result.  One  hundred  and  nineteen  had  voted  in 
favour  of  the  Bill,  fifty-six  against  it.  The  Bill  was 
therefore  carried,  and  the  prohibition  of  slavery 
had  become  law.  Cheer  after  cheer  rang  through 
the  House  ;  men  waved  their  hats,  women  smiled 
and  talked  excitedly  of  what  it  would  mean.  A 
salute  of  a  hundred  guns  shook  the  city,  and  the 
streets  were  soon  filled  with  eager  crowds,  all  talking 
about  the  news.  The  President  was  serenaded  in  his 
rooms.  The  whole  city  thrilled  with  excitement. 

Amid  these  rejoicings  the  little  group  of  the  pro- 
slavery  party  stood  silent  and  gloomy.     Up  to  the 

162 


The  Rnd  of  Slavery 

end  they  had  hoped  not  to  be  beaten,  but  there  was 
no  longer  any  room  for  doubt.  Slavery  had  been 
abolished.  Slave-dealers  would  have  to  look  for  a 
new  trade.  Three  years  had  passed  since  the  battle 
of  Antietam  had  been  fought ;  nevertheless  there 
would  always  be  a  close  link  between  the  two  events. 
Lincoln's  first  proclamation  had  been  made  as  a 
thanksgiving  for  the  victory  at  Antietam,  and  the 
final  prohibition  of  slavery  was  only  the  natural  out- 
come of  the  proclamation  issued  on  New  Year's  Day 
1863. 

The  battle  of  Antietam  had  been  followed  by  the 
two  great  victories  at  Vicksburg  and  at  Gettysburg. 
At  Vicksburg  the  clever  and  resolute  Union  general 
Ulysses  S.  Grant  had  laid  siege  to  this  Confederate 
stronghold.  Grant  was  not  the  man  to  be  turned 
aside  easily,  and  he  observed  with  satisfaction  that  he 
had  met  his  equal  in  Pemberton,  the  Confederate  officer 
commanding  Vicksburg,  who  declared  :  "  When  the 
last  pound  of  beef,  bacon,  and  flour,  the  last  grain  of 
corn,  the  last  cow  and  hog  and  horse  and  dog  shall 
have  been  consumed,  and  the  last  man  shall  have 
perished  in  the  trenches,  then,  and  only  then,  will  I 
sell  Vicksburg." 

Meanwhile  Grant  did  not  budge  from  his  position, 
and  on  July  4th  the  fortress  fell.  Its  fall  was  joyfully 
hailed  in  the  North,  and  Lincoln,  who  had  disapproved 
of  Grant's  plan,  wrote  thanking  him  and  publicly 
declaring,  "  You  were  right  and  I  was  wrong." 

The  capture  of  Vicksburg  had  followed  hard  upon 
the  Northern  triumph  at  Gettysburg,  where,  a  day 
earlier,  General  George  G.  Meade  had  defeated  Lee 
after  three  days'  fierce  fighting.  Lee  had  made  a 

163 


Abraham  Lincoln 

second  attempt  to  invade  the  North  and  had  advanced 
as  far  as  South  Pennsylvania.  Here,  at  Gettysburg, 
he  met  Meade,  The  battle,  in  which  the  Union  army 
lost  18,000  dead  and  wounded  and  the  Confederates 
22,000  men,  put  an  end  to  Lee's  second  attempt  to 
push  into  the  North,  and  he  was  again  forced  to 
withdraw  across  the  Potomac.  This  event,  coupled 
with  the  Union  victory  at  Vicksburg,  announced 
loudly  that  the  day  of  the  Confederates  was  over. 
But  the  courageous  Lee  resolutely  refused  to  listen. 
Not  yet  would  he  yield. 

A  national  burial-ground  for  soldiers  was  estab- 
lished on  the  battlefield  at  Gettysburg,  and  in  a 
simple  speech,  which  has  become  immortal,  Lincoln 
announced  its  dedication. 

"  Fourscore  and  seven  years  ago,"  he  said,  "  our 
fathers  brought  forth  on  this  continent  a  new  nation, 
conceived  in  liberty,  and  dedicated  to  the  proposition 
that  all  men  are  created  equal. 

"  Now  we  are  engaged  in  a  great  civil  war,  testing 
whether  that  nation,  or  any  nation  so  conceived 
and  so  dedicated,  can  long  endure.  We  are  met  on 
a  great  battlefield  of  that  war.  We  have  come  to 
dedicate  a  portion  of  that  field  as  a  final  resting-place 
for  those  who  here  gave  their  lives  that  that  nation 
might  live.  It  is  altogether  fitting  and  proper  that 
we  should  do  this. 

"  But,  in  a  larger  sense,  we  cannot  dedicate — we 
cannot  consecrate — we  cannot  hallow — this  ground. 
The  brave  men,  living  or  dead,  who  struggled  here 
have  consecrated  it  far  above  our  power  to  add  or 
detract.  The  world  will  little  note  nor  remember 
long  what  we  say  here,  but  it  can  never  forget  what 

164 


\ 


The  End  of  Slavery 

they  did  here.  It  is  for  us,  the  living,  rather,  to  be 
dedicated  here  to  the  unfinished  work  which  they 
who  fought  here  have  thus  far  so  nobly  advanced. 
It  is  rather  for  us  to  be  here  dedicated  to  the  great 
task  remaining  before  us — that  from  these  honoured 
dead  we  take  increased  devotion  to  that  cause  for 
which  they  gave  the  last  full  measure  of  devotion ; 
that  we  here  highly  resolve  that  these  dead  shall  not 
have  died  in  vain  ;  that  this  nation,  under  God,  shall 
have  a  new  birth  of  freedom ;  and  that  government 
of  the  people,  by  the  people,  for  the  people,  shall  not 
perish  from  the  earth." 

At  the  conclusion  of  his  speech  Lincoln  felt  a  slight 
stir  of  disappointment  among  the  listeners.  It  was 
not  what  they  had  expected.  They  had  looked  for 
a  longer,  more  elaborate  address,  and  most  of  them 
went  away  saying  it  was  a  poor  thing.  "  Jt  is  a  flat 
failure,"  said  Lincoln.  But  Time  has  completely 
changed  the  verdict  of  the  disappointed  listeners. 
The  little  speech,  so  simple  yet  so  nobly  befitting  the 
occasion,  has  been  given  a  high  place  among  the 
finest  prose  literature  in  the  world,  and  as  long  as 
the  English  tongue  is  spoken  it  will  never  be  for- 
gotten. 


165 


CHAPTER  XXV:  Renominatcd 

WHEN  General  McClellan's  commission  as 
Commander-in-Chief  was  cancelled  in 
November  1862,  a  certain  number  of 
people  who  thought  he  had  been  badly  treated 
became  his  champions  and  would  hear  nothing  against 
him.  These  men  determined  to  nominate  McClellan 
at  the  next  Presidential  election,  and  when  the  time 
drew  near  they  busied  themselves  in  doing  all  that 
they  could  to  make  him  popular.  As  a  result  of  their 
efforts  the  General  was  adopted  as  the  candidate  of 
the  Democrats  at  the  Democratic  Convention  which 
met  at  Chicago  in  August  1864.  A  few  Republicans, 
who  were  dissatisfied  with  Lincoln  because  the  war 
was  not  yet  crushed,  named  John  C.  Fremont  as  their 
candidate,  but  the  remainder  of  the  Republican  party 
prepared  to  vote  solidly  for  Lincoln,  and  even  in  the 
beginning  it  was  fairly  certain  which  man  would  win 
the  election. 

Meanwhile  there  was  a  great  deal  of  excitement. 
Men  ran  hither  and  thither  talking  eagerly  of  the 
chances  McClellan  had  against  '  Honest  Abe,'  and 
the  only  person  who  was  absolutely  unmoved  by  the 
clamour  was  Abraham  Lincoln  himself.  When  a 
friend  laughingly  told  him  that  he  seemed  to  have  no 
personal  resentment  against  his  opponents  he  replied 
lightly  :  "  Perhaps  I  have  too  little  of  it ;  but  I  never 
thought  it  paid.  A  man  has  no  time  to  spend  half 
his  life  in  quarrels.  If  any  man  ceases  to  attack  me, 
I  never  remember  the  past  against  him." 

The  cold  November  day  on  which  the  election  was 
to  take  place  at  last  dawned.  The  result  surpassed 

166 


Renominated 

the  greatest  hopes  of  the  Republicans.  Out  of  the 
233  votes  to  be  cast  by  the  delegates  representing  the 
different  States,  212  were  given  to  Lincoln,  and  only 
21  to  McClellan.  Fremont  had  long  since  withdrawn 
from  the  contest,  and  thus  Abraham  Lincoln  was  once 
more  chosen  to  be  President  of  the  United  States. 

The  news  that  Lincoln  had  carried  the  election  was 
a  deep  disappointment  to  McClellan,  and  to  show 
that  he  separated  himself  entirely  from  the  Govern- 
ment the  General  resigned  his  commission  in  the 
army  and  withdrew  into  private  life.  His  office 
was  given  to  Philip  H.  Sheridan,  a  brilliant  soldier 
who  had  distinguished  himself  greatly  in  the  war, 
and  here  the  incident  ended.  If  McClellan  had 
imagined  his  resignation  would  cause  dismay  he  must 
have  found  himself  again  mistaken.  His  departure 
caused  only  a  ripple  of  comment,  and  even  this  very 
soon  died  away. 

The  re-election  of  Abraham  Lincoln  meant  that 
the  war  would  now  be  fought  to  a  finish.  Those 
people  who  wanted  peace  at  once,  and  upon  any 
terms,  shut  their  lips  tightly  and  prepared  them- 
selves for  the  worst ;  but  the  nation  in  general  had 
entire  confidence  in  Lincoln,  and  believed  that  he 
would  not  prolong  the  war  a  day  longer  than  was 
necessary,  and  that  at  the  same  time  he  would  not 
make  peace  until  the  North  had  so  thoroughly  con- 
quered the  South  that  there  would  never  again  be 
war  between  them. 

The  war,  therefore,  went  on,  and  from  his  post  in 
the  White  House  Lincoln  kept  watch  upon  the 
smallest  event.  He  was  never  too  much  occupied 
or  too  much  aware  of  the  dignity  of  his  position  to 

167 


Abraham  Lincoln 

forget  his  soldiers,  and  he  made  himself  dear  to  them 
by  innumerable  acts  of  kindness  and  by  the  care  he 
showed  for  their  comfort.  He  made  a  practice  of 
addressing  the  regiments,  and  on  one  such  occasion, 
when  the  soldiers  were  returning  for  a  time  to  their 
homes,  he  said :  "I  happen,  temporarily,  to  occupy 
this  big  white  house.  I  am  a  living  witness  that 
any  one  of  your  children  may  look  to  come  here  as  my 
father's  child  has.  It  is  in  order  that  each  one  of  you 
may  have,  through  the  free  government  which  we 
have  enjoyed,  an  open  field  and  a  fair  chance  for 
your  industry,  enterprise,  and  intelligence — that  you 
may  all  have  equal  privileges  in  the  race  of  life,  with 
all  desirable  human  aspirations — it  is  for  this  that 
the  struggle  should  be  maintained,  that  we  may  not 
lose  our  birthright.  .  .  .  The  nation  is  worth  fighting 
for  to  secure  such  an  inestimable  jewel." 

During  the  weeks  that  followed  upon  his  re-election 
to  the  Presidency  Lincoln  was  deeply  interested  in 
the  plans  which  General  Grant  had  made  for  pushing 
the  war  to  a  close.  William  T.  Sherman,  a  capable 
and  experienced  general,  was  forcing  his  way  south. 
Lincoln  was  extremely  anxious  that  Richmond  should 
fall.  It  was  the  capital  of  the  Confederate  States,  and 
if  it  could  be  made  to  surrender  to  the  Union  armies 
then  the  war  would  very  soon  be  over.  On  the  i6th 
November  Sherman  started  on  his  great  march 
through  Georgia  and  the  Carolinas.  He  had  60,000 
men  in  his  army,  and  as  they  went  on  their  way, 
singing,  "  John  Brown's  body  lies  a-mouldering  in 
the  grave,"  thousands  of  freemen  gathered  in  the  rear 
like  a  dusky  cloud  and  followed  the  soldiers  in  their 
march.  "  Let  every  man  fly  to  arms ! "  shouted 

168 


Renominated 

Georgia,  but  the  Northerners,  undismayed  and  con- 
fident, still  went  on  their  way.  "  Yankees  !  "  the 
Southerners  called  them  contemptuously ;  but  when 
the  Yankees  came  swinging  into  sight  the  jests  died 
away.  These  were  not  men  to  be  laughed  at ;  they 
were  hardened  soldiers,  who  would  fight  to  the  finish. 
Town  after  town  surrendered  to  them.  On  December 
22nd,  1864,  Sherman  wired  to  the  President :  "I  beg 
to  present  to  you  as  a  Christmas  gift  the  city  of 
Savannah,  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  heavy  guns 
and  plenty  of  ammunition,  also  about  25,000  bales 
of  cotton."  In  reply  Lincoln  wrote  back  :  "  Many, 
many  thanks  for  your  Christmas  gift,  the  capture  of 
Savannah.  When  you  were  about  leaving  Atlanta 
for  the  Atlantic  coast,  I  was  anxious,  if  not  fearful ; 
but  feeling  that  you  were  the  better  judge,  and  re- 
membering that  '  nothing  risked,  nothing  gained,' 
I  did  not  interfere.  Now,  the  undertaking  being  a 
success,  the  honour  is  all  yours.  .  .  .  Please  make 
my  grateful  acknowledgment  to  your  whole  army, 
officers  and  men." 

Among  the  people  in  the  Southern  capital  the 
news  of  Sherman's  victory  caused  a  great  panic. 
At  the  outbreak  of  the  war  the  Confederacy  had 
issued  a  great  many  paper  notes,  which  were  used 
instead  of  money.  People  now  began  to  ask  them- 
selves what  would  happen  if  Richmond  were  to  fall. 
This  paper  money  had  been  issued  by  the  order  of 
the  Confederate  States  only,  and  therefore  it  was  of 
no  value  except  in  Confederate  States.  A  man  with  a 
ten- dollar  Confederate  note  would  not  be  able  to  find 
a  Union  man  who  would  take  his  note  and  give  him 
money  in  its  place.  Therefore,  if  Richmond  were 

169 


Abraham  Lincoln 

captured,  and  the  North  were  again  in  full  power,  what 
then  would  be  the  value  of  the  Confederate  paper 
money  ?  Fearful  of  what  might  happen,  many  people 
made  haste  to  try  to  get  rid  of  the  paper  money  in 
their  coffers,  but  they  found  no  one  willing  to  take 
it.  And  thus,  when  the  war  was  over,  and  the  South 
had  yielded  to  the  North,  hundreds  of  wealthy  families, 
who  had  impulsively  given  their  gold  to  the  Con- 
federacy and  taken  paper  money  in  exchange,  found 
themselves  ruined  and  in  the  deepest  poverty. 
Although  they  had  chests  full  of  paper  notes  not 
one  was  of  any  value. 

Richmond  had  not  yet  fallen,  but  the  crisis  was  at 
hand.  In  a  fever  of  dread  every  man  who  was  seen 
in  the  streets  was  arrested  and  thrust  into  the  Con- 
federate army.  Some  of  these  men  were  so  unfit 
for  service  that  they  died  a  few  days  after  enlistment, 
and  the  fact  that  they  were  made  soldiers  at  all 
shows  the  desperate  condition  to  which  the  beaten 
but  courageous  South  was  reduced.  For  four  years 
the  army  had  made  a  gallant  struggle  against  the 
much  larger  army  of  the  North ;  they  had  fought 
with  a  bravery  that  seemed  unconquerable.  But  the 
time  was  coming  when  they  would  be  forced  to  yield. 
The  armies  of  the  North  were  getting  steadily  stronger, 
while  every  day  saw  the  Confederate  forces  weakened. 
Even  the  plucky  South  herself  knew  by  now  which 
way  the  struggle  would  end,  but  she  still  held  on 
grimly,  determined  not  to  surrender  till  the  last 
possible  moment. 

As  the  situation  grew  worse,  General  Lee,  who 
was  in  command  of  the  Southern  troops,  began  to 
make  overtures  to  General  Grant.  The  Union  General 

170 


Renominated 

telegraphed  the  news  to  Lincoln,  but  though  Lincoln 
was  as  tender-hearted  as  any  man,  he  knew  that  the 
only  way  to  crush  the  rebellion  once  and  for  all  was 
to  agree  to  nothing  less  than  an  entire  surrender, 
and  he  therefore  replied  sternly  that  no  overtures 
apart  from  the  capitulation  of  Lee's  army  could  be 
considered,  and  that  Grant  must  hold  no  conferences 
with  the  enemy  except  on  these  terms. 

Although  Lincoln  replied  to  Grant  respecting 
General  Lee's  advances  in  such  abrupt  tones,  in  his 
heart  he  was  ready  to  meet  the  rebels  half  way,  and 
in  February  1865  he  suggested  to  his  Cabinet  that  he 
should  issue  a  message  declaring  that  the  United  States 
would  be  willing  to  pay  four  hundred  million  dollars 
to  the  Southern  States  to  compensate  them  for  the 
slaves  set  free,  on  condition  that  the  rebellion  ended 
at  once  and  that  the  States  declared  their  loyalty 
to  the  Union.  His  proposal  staggered  the  Cabinet. 
"  What,  pay  the  slave-owners  !  "  they  cried,  and  the 
public,  getting  an  inkling  of  what  was  likely  to 
happen,  burst  into  a  loud  uproar  of  indignation 
against  the  scheme.  Lincoln,  most  generous  among 
men,  realized  that  the  rebelling  States  would  soon  be 
forced  to  come  back  into  the  Union  on  terms  dictated 
to  them  by  the  North,  and,  knowing  this,  he  was 
very  anxious  to  wipe  away  the  bitter  feeling  between 
the  two  sections  of  the  country.  He  believed  in  the 
Union  not  only  as  a  political  bond,  but  as  an  ex- 
pression of  the  goodwill  binding  North  and  South 
together  in  a  bond  of  patriotism.  By  recompensing 
the  slave-owners  for  the  loss  of  their  slaves,  who 
represented  so  much  gold  and  silver  to  them, 
Lincoln  had  hoped  to  restore  the  friendliness  which 

171 


Abraham  Lincoln 

he  held  was  necessary  to  the  happiness  of  the  nation, 
but  he  found  himself  so  entirely  unsupported  that 
he  realized  that  the  proposal  could  never  be  carried 
out.  "  You  are  all  against  me,"  he  said  sadly,  and 
he  laid  the  paper  gently  aside. 


172 


SECTION  VII 
Triumph  and  Death 

1864-1865 

(FROM  FIFTY-FIVE  TO  FIFTY-SIX) 

I  am  glad  I  made  the  late  race.  It  gave  me  a  hearing  on 
the  great  and  durable  question  of  the  age,  which  I  could  have 
had  in  no  other  way,  and  though  I  now  sink  out  of  view,  and 
shall  be  forgotten,  I  believe  I  have  made  some  marks  which 
will  tell  for  the  cause  of  civil  liberty  long  after  I  am  gone. 

Extract  from  letter  written  by  Lincoln 
in  November  1858 


CHAPTER  XXVI:  The  Fall 
of  Richmond 

ON  the  4th  of  March,  1865,  Lincoln  became 
President  for  the  second  time.  According 
to  the  general  custom  he  made  an  opening 
address,  and,  as  before,  his  speech  showed  very  plainly 
that  he  was  as  firmly  determined  as  ever  not  to  slacken 
in  the  war  till  the  South  should  be  completely  con- 
quered. This  speech,  short  in  itself,  is  one  of  the 
few  public  addresses  which  can  never  be  forgotten. 
"  On  the  occasion  corresponding  to  this  four  years 
ago,"  said  Lincoln,  "  all  thoughts  were  anxiously 
directed  to  an  impending  civil  war.  All  dreaded  it, 
all  sought  to  avert  it.  While  the  inaugural  address 
was  being  delivered  from  this  place,  devoted  altogether 
to  saving  the  Union  without  war,  insurgent  agents 
were  in  the  city  seeking  to  destroy  it  without  war — 
seeking  to  dissolve  the  Union,  and  divide  effects,  by 
negotiation.  Both  parties  deprecated  war ;  but  one 
of  them  would  make  war  rather  than  let  the  nation 
survive,  and  the  other  would  accept  war  rather  than 
let  it  perish.  And  the  war  came.  .  .  .  The  Almighty 
has  His  own  purposes.  '  Woe  unto  the  world  because 
of  offences  I  for  it  must  needs  be  that  offences  come  ; 
but  woe  to  that  man  by  whom  the  offence  cometh  ! ' 
"If  we  shall  suppose  that  American  slavery  is 
one  of  those  offences  which,  in  the  providence  of  God, 
must  needs  come,  but  which,  having  continued  through 
His  appointed  time,  He  now  wills  to  remove,  and 
that  He  gives  to  both  North  and  South  this  terrible 
war,  as  the  woe  due  to  those  by  whom  the  offences 

175 


Abraham  Lincoln 

came,  shall  we  discern  therein  any  departure  from 
those  divine  attributes  which  the  believers  in  a  living 
God  would  ascribe  to  Him  ? 

"  Fondly  do  we  hope — fervently  do  we  pray — that 
this  mighty  scourge  of  war  may  speedily  pass  away. 
Yet,  if  God  wills  that  it  continue  till  the  wealth  piled 
by  the  bondman's  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of 
unrequited  toil  shall  be  sunk,  and  until  every  drop 
of  blood  drawn  with  the  lash  shall  be  paid  by  another 
drawn  by  the  sword,  as  was  said  three  thousand  years 
ago,  so  still  it  must  be  said,  '  The  judgments  of  the 
Lord  are  true  and  righteous  altogether.' 

"  With  malice  toward  none  ;  with  charity  for  all ; 
with  firmness  in  the  right,  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the 
right,  let  us  strive  on  to  finish  the  work  we  are  in ; 
to  bind  up  the  nation's  wounds  ;  to  care  for  him  who 
shall  have  borne  the  battle,  and  for  his  widow  and 
his  orphan ;  to  do  all  which  may  achieve  and  cherish 
a  just  and  lasting  peace  among  ourselves,  and  with 
all  nations." 

Lincoln's  second  term  of  office  at  the  White  House 
thus  opened  under  the  shadow  of  war,  but  the  sky 
was  growing  lighter,  and  there  were  many  signs  that 
the  South  was  weakening.  Lincoln's  election  had 
sounded  the  death-knell  of  the  Southern  cause.  If  he 
had  been  defeated  at  the  poll,  and  a  President  ready 
to  make  peace  at  any  price  had  taken  his  place,  the 
Confederates  might  have  been  able  to  make  terms 
which  would  have  still  left  them  a  good  deal  of  power. 
But  with  Lincoln  back  in  office  Southern  hopes  sank 
low.  His  return  proved  that  the  North  was  still  ready 
to  fight.  Lincoln  himself  was  resolved  to  conquer 
utterly,  and  it  was  well  known  he  had  a  will  of  iron. 

176 


THE  SURRENDER:  GENERAL  GRANT  AND  GENERAL  LEE 
AT   APPOMATTOX 
B.   West   Clinedinst  178 


The  Fall  of  Richmond 

In  desperate  anxiety  the  South  gathered  itself  together 
to  meet  the  storm  with  what  strength  still  remained. 

Any  lingering  hopes  of  success  were  soon  broken. 
At  Five  Forks,  on  April  ist,  1865,  General  Sheridan 
routed  the  Southerners  so  badly  that  if  General  Lee 
had  not  been  doggedly  determined  to  fight  to  the 
last  moment  the  war  would  have  ended  then  and 
there.  As  it  was,  Sheridan  kept  on  harassing  the 
enemy,  and  on  April  5th  he  wired  to  the  President : 
"  If  the  thing  is  pressed  I  think  Lee  will  surrender." 
A  brief,  stern  message  flashed  back  :  "  Let  the  thing 
be  pressed."  Lee's  doom  was  thus  sealed.  But  Lee 
was  a  brave  man,  and  in  spite  of  the  hints  of  his 
officers  that  nothing  could  be  gained  by  holding  out, 
he  encouraged  his  men  to  resist  with  all  the  strength 
they  possessed.  On  the  yth  of  April  his  colleagues 
came  to  him  and  urged  him  to  yield.  Quickly  he 
rapped  out  his  answer :  "  We  have  got  too  many 
brave  men  to  think  of  laying  down  our  arms." 

In  spite  of  Lee's  stubborn  courage  the  day  of  the 
South  was  over.  Nothing  could  transform  his  troops 
into  an  army  large  enough  to  overthrow  the  enemy, 
and  thus,  on  April  gth,  when  he  found  himself  com- 
pletely surrounded  by  Union  soldiers,  he  sadly  agreed 
to  surrender  with  his  28,000  men.  The  meeting 
between  General  Grant  and  General  Lee  took  place  in 
the  village  of  Appomattox.  Grant  was  so  gratified  at 
capturing  the  leader  of  the  South  that  he  granted  the 
conquered  army  very  generous  terms.  He  released  both 
men  and  officers  on  parole,  and  though  he  retained  the 
arms  and  artillery  of  the  corps  he  allowed  the  officers 
to  keep  their  side  arms,  horses,  and  private  baggage. 
"  This  done,"  he  said,  "  all  officers  and  men  will  be 
M  177 


Abraham  Lincoln 

allowed  to  return  to  their  homes,  not  to  be  disturbed, 
by  United  States  authority,  so  long  as  they  observe  this 
parole  and  the  laws  in  force  where  they  may  reside." 

While  Lee's  army  had  been  tasting  the  bitterness 
of  surrender,  disaster  had  been  visiting  the  city  of 
Richmond.  On  Sunday  morning,  the  2nd  of  April, 
when  the  inhabitants  were  many  of  them  quietly  in 
church,  a  messenger  dashed  post-haste  into  the  city 
with  the  news  that  it  must  be  evacuated  by  nightfall. 
In  a  moment  the  tranquil  streets  were  flooded  with 
surging  crowds  of  excited  people.  Richmond  be 
evacuated !  The  capital  city  fall !  Then  the  war 
must  be  well-nigh  over,  and  the  ferocious  North  had 
won !  So  the  inhabitants  moaned,  as  they  ran  about 
wringing  their  hands  and  turning  over  their  possessions 
in  search  of  such  treasures  as  they  could  carry  with 
them  in  their  flight. 

As  the  day  wore  on  great  crowds  of  citizens  left 
the  city  in  carriages,  on  horseback,  or  on  foot,  till  the 
commotion  in  the  streets  slowly  died  down  into  a 
quiet  lull.  In  the  early  hours  of  April  3rd  the  enemy 
entered  the  city,  to  find  it  deserted  by  its  inhabi- 
tants and  shrouded  in  the  desolation  which  marks  a 
place  hastily  abandoned.  The  Confederate  President, 
Jefferson  Davis,  had  for  a  long  time  obstinately 
declined  to  leave  the  capital.  He  refused  to  believe 
in  defeat  or  to  acknowledge  that  his  power  was 
overthrown.  With  the  surrender  of  Richmond  his 
authority  had  fallen  to  the  ground,  broken  into 
fragments  which  could  never  again  be  pieced  together. 
After  enjoying  the  pleasures  of  office  for  so  long  he 
could  not  at  first  realize  that  his  glory  had  vanished. 
Even  the  blunt  assurances  of  his  generals  that  the 

178 


The  Fall  of  Richmond 

condition  was  hopeless  did  not  at  first  convince 
him  of  the  completeness  of  his  downfall.  Then 
suddenly  he  saw  everything — saw  the  Confederacy 
ended,  himself  a  defeated  leader — and  in  a  wild  panic 
he  took  to  flight.  A  few  weeks  later,  on  May  loth, 
1865,  he  was  captured  by  a  band  of  Union  soldiers.  He 
was  brought  to  trial  on  a  charge  of  having  a  share  in 
a  plot  to  murder  Lincoln,  but  the  evidence  was  not 
very  trustworthy,  and  after  an  imprisonment  of  about 
two  years,  during  which  he  was  tried  on  a  charge  of 
treason,  he  was  acquitted  and  sent  home.  No  heavy 
penalties  were  imposed  upon  him,  but  he  was  forbidden 
to  hold  any  public  office  whatsoever.  Although,  in 
view  of  the  active  part  he  had  taken  in  the  rebellion, 
it  is  difficult  to  see  any  hardship  in  the  sentence 
passed  upon  him,  Jefferson  Davis  continued  to  hate 
violently  the  Government  of  the  country  to  which  he 
belonged,  and  although  he  lived  for  a  good  many  years 
after  his  release  from  prison,  not  dying,  indeed,  till 
1889,  his  fierce  detestation  of  the  North  and  all  that 
it  stood  for  never  grew  less. 

While  these  great  events  were  happening  in  the 
country  the  hand  of  Fate  slowly  raised  a  warning 
finger  at  Lincoln.  His  enemies  were  still  many,  and 
they  hated  him  thoroughly.  There  were  whispers 
that  his  life  was  not  safe,  and  his  friends  urged  him 
to  take  the  precaution  of  being  guarded.  Lincoln 
warmly  opposed  their  suggestion.  All  his  life  he  had 
allowed  friends  and  strangers  to  come  and  see  him 
almost  unquestioned.  He  loved  freedom  and  friend- 
liness, and  he  could  not  endure  the  idea  of  being  per- 
petually watched.  He  declared  he  could  never  be 
safe  anywhere  unless  it  were  in  an  iron  box.  "  To  die 

179 


AbraJiam  Lincoln 

by  the  hand  of  a  murderer,"  he  said,  "is  to  die  only 
once ;  to  go  continually  in  fear  would  be  to  die  over 
and  over."  He  therefore  quietly  but  firmly  brushed 
aside  all  suggestions  for  protecting  him  from  a  sudden 
foe,  and  showed  such  supreme  freedom  from  uneasiness 
that  the  day  after  the  fall  of  Richmond  he  visited 
the  vanquished  city  and  walked  slowly  through  its 
streets  quite  unaccompanied,  except  by  his  son '  Tad/ 
But  if  Lincoln  persisted  in  living  his  life  in  exactly 
the  same  ordinary  way,  in  his  mind  lurked  a  suspicion 
that  a  great  crisis  was  not  far  from  him.  This  belief 
was  deepened  by  a  dream  which  visited  him  on  the 
night  of  April  I3th.  He  had  had  the  same  dream 
several  times  before,  and  on  each  occasion  it  had  come 
before  some  great  event.  It  made  so  deep  an  impres- 
sion upon  him  that  on  the  morning  of  the  I4th  of 
April  he  mentioned  it  to  the  members  of  his  Cabinet. 
News  from  Sherman  announcing  the  surrender  of  the 
great  Confederate  general  Joseph  E.  Johnston  was 
hourly  expected  by  the  Cabinet,  but  it  had  not 
yet  arrived.  Lincoln  assured  them  it  would  come 
presently,  giving  his  dream  as  a  reason  for  his  belief. 
On  all  other  occasions  this  dream  had  come  before  a 
victory,  and  he  was  certain  that  Sherman  either  had 
already  beaten  Johnston  or  would  do  so  very  soon. 
One  of  his  ministers  bluntly  scoffed  at  his  theory, 
and  though  most  of  the  others  listened  politely  to  his 
explanation,  they  did  not  put  any  real  belief  in  an 
omen,  even  when  it  came  from  the  vigorous  brain  of 
their  President.  Little  did  they  think  that  this  was 
the  last  time  '  Honest  Abe '  would  address  them,  or 
that  even  as  he  spoke  of  a  coming  crisis  an  assassin 
was  preparing  to  strike  his  blow. 

180 


CHAPTER  XXVII:  Assassi- 
nated 

THE  fall  of  Richmond  and  the  surrender  of 
General  Lee  practically  brought  the  war  to 
an  end.  Nevertheless,  in  several  parts  of 
the  country  skirmishes  were  still  going  on,  and  Jefferson 
Davis,  the  President  of  the  Confederacy,  had  not  yet 
been  captured.  Lincoln  busied  himself  in  considering 
the  terms  of  peace.  No  occupation  could  have  given 
him  greater  pleasure,  and  he  had  long  been  looking 
forward  to  this  moment.  On  one  point  he  was  quite 
determined:  there  should  be  no  arrogant  rejoicing 
over  a  fallen  foe.  Although  he  had  been  a  fighter 
from  his  boyhood,  he  had  never  gloated  over  a 
defeated  opponent.  His  mind  was  too  generous  to 
be  happy  in  another's  fall,  and  now  he  was  particularly 
anxious  that  the  North  should  be  restrained  from 
dancing  upon  the  prostrate  South.  North  and  South 
were  both  part  of  one  nation,  and  he  judged  rightly 
that  it  would  be  unseemly  for  either  party  to  be  glee- 
ful at  the  other's  expense.  He  believed  that  a  new 
friendship  between  the  two  was  not  impossible,  pro- 
vided the  right  moment  was  seized.  On  that  fateful 
morning  when  he  told  his  Cabinet  about  his  dream  he 
was  at  pains  to  make  clear  his  views  on  this  point.  "  No 
one,"  he  said  firmly,  "  need  expect  that  I  will  take 
any  part  in  hanging  or  killing  these  men,  even  the 
worst  of  them.  Enough  lives  have  been  sacrificed. 
We  must  extinguish  our  resentments  if  we  expect 
harmony  and  union."  The  extinguishing  of  resent- 
ment was  easy  enough  for  Lincoln,  with  his  naturally 

181 


Abraham  Lincoln 

generous  mind,  but  there  were  plenty  of  Northerners 
who  would  have  been  heartily  glad  to  see  severe 
penalties  visited  upon  the  South,  and  who  would 
have  enjoyed  pressing  their  heel  upon  the  neck  of 
the  foe.  Lincoln  might  well  have  found  it  hard  to 
keep  these  revengeful  spirits  in  check  had  not  the 
assassin's  hand  suddenly  changed  the  current  of 
thought  and  fixed  all  eyes  upon  the  White  House. 

At  the  very  moment  when  Lincoln  was  declaring 
to  his  ministers  that  resentment  must  be  smothered 
and  that  enough  lives  had  been  sacrificed,  John 
Wilkes  Booth  was  planning  to  take  away  the  life  of 
Lincoln  himself.  It  was  the  I4th  of  April,  and  Good 
Friday.  Many  of  the  citizens  were  at  church,  keeping 
the  Christian  festival ;  a  spirit  of  quiet  joy  lay  upon 
the  city  ;  the  war  was  over  and  the  day  of  peace 
was  dawning ;  homes  that  had  been  racked  with 
anxiety  for  four  long  years  prepared  to  welcome 
back  their  heroes  from  the  fight ;  and  those  homes 
from  which  some  had  gone,  never  to  return,  comforted 
themselves  with  the  proud  thought  that  but  for  the 
dead  this  day  of  happiness  would  never  have  dawned. 
At  Fort  Sumter,  marked  in  the  memory  of  every  one 
as  the  spot  where  the  Confederates  gained  their  first 
triumph,  the  same  Union  flag  which  had  been  sadly 
hauled  down  by  Anderson  was  now  raised  and  put 
back  in  its  old  place,  proudly  announcing  to  the 
world  that  the  Union  had  been  preserved. 

In  America  it  is  not  the  custom  to  close  the  theatres 
and  places  of  amusement  on  Good  Friday,  and  Lincoln, 
enjoying  an  unusual  sense  of  leisure,  decided  to  go 
to  the  play,  Ou*  American  Cousin,  which  was  to  be 
acted  at  Ford's  Theatre  that  evening.  He  spent  a 

182 


Assassinated 

happy  afternoon  driving  with  his  wife,  and  in  the 
evening  they  went  together  to  the  theatre,  taking 
with  them  a  young  friend,  Miss  Harris,  and  her  lover, 
Major  Rathbone. 

In  the  meantime  dark  preparations  had  been  set 
on  foot.  John  Wilkes  Booth  had  for  some  time 
been  determined  to  kill  Lincoln,  and  he  now  saw  a 
golden  opportunity.  The  son  of  an  actor,  and  himself 
a  well-known  figure  on  the  stage,  he  knew  every  inch 
of  Ford's  Theatre.  He  therefore  hastily  summoned 
together  his  comrades  and  explained  his  murderous 
scheme.  These  accomplices  had  been  in  the  habit 
of  meeting  at  the  house  of  Mary  Surratt,  a  widow 
whose  son  was  one  of  the  conspirators,  and  it  was  there 
that  they  now  made  their  hasty  plans.  Not  only 
Lincoln,  but  his  trusted  ministers  W.  H.  Seward, 
Secretary  of  State,  and  Andrew  Johnson,  the  Vice- 
President,  were  also  to  fall  before  the  assassins. 
Lewis  Powell,  a  disbanded  rebel  soldier  from  Florida, 
was  to  kill  Seward,  and  George  Atzerodt,  a  former 
spy,  was  to  kill  the  Vice-President.  Booth  was  as 
desperate  as  he  was  clever,  and  he  was  determined 
that  his  own  part  in  the  plan  should  not  fail.  Who- 
ever else  escaped,  Lincoln  should  perish.  With  this 
murderous  intention  firmly  fixed  in  his  mind,  he  visited 
the  theatre  early  in  the  day  and  took  various  pre- 
cautions for  successfully  carrying  out  his  scheme. 

When  the  curtain  rose  on  the  play  Lincoln  was  not 
present,  but  every  one  knew  that  he  was  expected 
before  long.  A  large  Union  flag  draped  the  front  of 
the  box  set  aside  for  him,  and  eager  eyes  turned  in  its 
direction,  expecting  every  moment  to  see  the  well- 
known,  sad,  gaunt  face  of  the  President  above  it.  At 

183 


Abraham  Lincoln 

last  came  a  rustle,  and  the  players  paused  ;  the  band 
struck  up  "  Hail  to  the  Chief,"  and  the  whole  audience 
rose  and  cheered  as  Lincoln,  accompanied  by  his 
wife,  Miss  Harris,  and  Major  Rathbone,  entered  the 
box.  The  cheers  died  away ;  the  players  took  up 
the  broken  thread,  and  attention  was  once  more 
centred  upon  the  stage.  The  evening  grew  late.  It 
was  nearly  ten  o'clock.  John  Wilkes  Booth,  after 
hastily  swallowing  a  glass  of  brandy,  passed  onward 
to  the  theatre  to  carry  out  his  cowardly  attack. 

On  his  way  to  Lincoln's  box  an  attendant  asked 
Booth  his  business ;  he  showed  a  card  authorizing 
his  admission  and  the  attendant  let  him  pass.  The 
next  minute  he  was  within  the  box,  and  in  a  moment 
he  had  fired  at  the  back  of  Lincoln's  neck.  Major 
Rathbone  sprang  at  the  murderer,  but  Booth  dug 
his  knife  into  him,  and,  leaping  from  the  box,  he 
sprang  on  to  the  stage,  shouting  "  Sic  semper 
tyrannis! "  The  audience,  held  silent  for  a  moment 
with  astonishment  and  horror,  broke  out  into  loud 
uproar.  "  He  has  killed  the  President !  "  shouted 
Major  Rathbone,  and  in  the  commotion  Booth 
escaped  across  the  stage,  down  the  passages  which 
he  knew  so  well,  and  out  by  a  side  door,  where  he 
jumped  on  to  a  horse  held  in  readiness  for  him.  For 
the  time  being  he  was  safe,  but  in  his  mad  leap  to  the 
stage  his  spur  had  caught  in  the  flag  which  hung  in 
front  of  the  box,  and  in  the  fall  he  had  broken  his 
leg.  Even  the  most  desperate  murderer  can  hardly 
hope  to  escape  with  a  broken  leg,  and  though  for  the 
time  being  Booth  was  safe,  the  day  of  his  capture 
was  not  far  off. 

While  the  audience  at  Ford's  was  horror-struck  at 
184 


Assassinated 

Lincoln's  fate,  Lewis  Powell  had  been  carrying  out 
his  share  in  the  scheme  of  murder.  The  Secretary  of 
State,  W.  H.  Seward,  lay  ill  in  bed,  attended  by  two 
persons.  Powell  forced  his  way  upstairs,  on  the  plea 
that  he  was  a  messenger  from  the  doctor.  A  servant 
tried  to  bar  his  way,  whereupon  Powell  drew  out  his 
knife  and  stabbed  him.  He  then  rushed  into  the 
bedroom  and  stabbed  the  almost  unconscious  Seward, 
wounded  the  two  attendants  in  the  room  and  another 
who  rushed  to  their  assistance,  and  leaving  five 
injured  persons  behind  him  he  fled  from  the  house 
and  out  into  the  night.  Blood  stained  the  rich 
carpets  on  the  stairs  and  in  the  bedroom  where  Powell 
had  attacked  his  victims,  but  happily,  though  the 
wounds  were  serious,  the  five  who  were  hurt  all  re- 
covered in  the  end.  It  was  not  so,  however,  with 
Lincoln,  who  was  even  now  breathing  out  his  last  in 
a  house  to  which  he  had  been  hastily  carried  from  the 
theatre. 

The  throngs  of  people  who  had  come  light-heartedly 
to  see  the  play  went  away  talking  in  whispers.  The 
President  was  very  ill ;  some  said  he  was  dying.  At 
seven  in  the  morning  the  news  every  one  feared  became 
known.  Lincoln  was  dead.  America  must  seek  a 
new  President.  "  Now  he  belongs  to  the  ages,"  said 
Stanton  solemnly,  and  the  words  became  prophetic. 
Up  till  now  Lincoln's  greatness  had  been  hidden  from 
many  people.  They  had  thought  him  uncouth, 
ugly,  uneducated,  ill-bred,  but  with  his  death  came 
a  sudden  realization  there  was  no  other  man  fit  to 
stand  in  his  place.  His  conduct  had  at  all  times 
been  so  marked  by  nobility  that  it  was  not  till  he 
was  removed  from  life  that  his  full  worth  became 

185 


Abraham  Lincoln 

apparent.  Now  that  he  was  no  longer  among  men 
they  realized  how  he  had  towered  above  them,  how  in 
his  presence  little  meannesses  had  died,  how  jealousies 
had  been  forgotten,  and  rivalries  willingly  set  aside. 
If  his  friends  were  silent  because  their  grief  made 
them  dumb,  those  who  had  jested  at  him  made  haste 
to  chant  his  praises,  and  Punch,  a  journal  that  had 
persistently  criticized  him  severely,  now  made  amends 
in  these  verses : 

Beside  this  corpse,  that  bears  for  winding-sheet 
The  Stars  and  Stripes  he  lived  to  rear  anew, 

Between  the  mourners  at  his  head  and  feet, 
Say,  scurril-j ester,  is  there  room  for  you  ? 

Yes,  he  had  lived  to  shame  me  from  my  sneer, 
To  lame  my  pencil,  and  confute  my  pen — 

To  make  me  own  this  hind,  of  princes  peer, 
This  rail-splitter  a  true-born  king  of  men. 

Had  Lincoln  been  alive  how  his  heart  would  have 
warmed  to  the  praise  !  Yet  there  was  nothing  in 
his  death  to  lament.  He  had  fallen  at  the  climax 
of  his  life's  work.  He  had  seen  the  war  brought  to  a 
close  and  the  slaves  set  free.  Though  murder  had 
several  times  threatened  him,  the  blow  had  not  fallen 
till  his  task  was  finished.  The  tool  did  not  drop  from 
his  hand  till  the  figure  of  peace  had  been  chiselled. 
His  very  death  did  a  great  deal  toward  healing  the 
bitterness  of  the  nation,  happening  as  it  did  at  the 
moment  when  the  North  was  inclined  to  exult  over 
the  South,  and  as  a  conqueror  to  flaunt  victory  in  the 
face  of  the  defeated.  No  other  event  could  have  done 
so  much  toward  checking  these  irritations  as  the 
sudden  end  of  the  President  beneath  the  blow  of  a 

186 


Assassinated 

murderer.  Discord  hushed  its  voice  in  the  presence 
of  an  almost  universal  sorrow,  and  his  death  set  the 
seal  upon  the  cause  of  national  peace.  For  such  a 
prize  we  may  be  certain  that  he  would  willingly 
have  chosen  death,  even  had  the  form  been  more 
terrible  than  it  was. 


187 


CHAPTER  XXVIII:  Peace 

IT  was  decided  to  bury  Lincoln  at  Springfield, 
the  town  which  had  been  his  home  when  he 
was  first  struggling  into  notice ;  where  he  had 
made  some  of  his  earliest  speeches ;  where  he  had  been 
married ;  where  his  children  had  been  born  ;  where 
he  had  received  the  telegram  which  told  him  that  the 
Chicago  Convention  had  nominated  him  as  Republican 
candidate  for  the  Presidency ;  and  from  where  he 
had  set  out  on  his  triumphal  journey  to  the  White 
House.  Springfield  had  been  the  centre  of  his  life, 
and  it  was  fitting  that  it  should  be  his  burial-place. 

Every  town  on  the  railway  to  Springfield  begged  that 
the  body  of  the  President  might  be  allowed  to  rest 
there  for  a  time  on  its  passage  through,  and  it  was 
thus  the  3rd  of  May  before  the  final  spot  was  reached. 
Vast  crowds  of  people,  silent  and  tear-dimmed, 
watched  the  procession  go  by,  realizing  as  they  had 
never  done  till  now  that  their  leader  had  left  them 
and  was  for  ever  out  of  human  reach.  But  above 
this  saddening  thought  arose  a  triumphant  note. 
Lincoln's  life  had  not  ended  till  his  work  had  been 
finished ;  nothing  was  incomplete ;  his  task  was 
well  done.  Nothing  was  here  for  sadness.  A  noble 
life  had  ended,  but  could  never  be  forgotten.  Its 
remembrance  was  a  nation's  precious  legacy. 

But  what  of  the  miserable  people  who  had  been  the 
cause  of  Lincoln's  death  ?  Booth,  the  chief  culprit, 
had  been  captured  in  a  barn  on  April  26th,  and  in  the 
struggle  he  had  been  fatally  shot.  The  others  were 
in  prison  waiting  their  trial.  As  they  lay  there  their 
thoughts  must  have  been  bitter  and  gloomy.  The 

188 


Peace 

deed  had  not  brought  from  the  South  the  loud  outcry 
of  praise  which  they  had  expected ;  and  there  was 
scant  hope  that  they  would  be  pardoned.  Beyond 
satisfying  personal  revenge  they  had  gained  very 
little  except  capture,  imprisonment,  and  the  gnawing 
thought  of  a  violent  death.  Their  fears  on  the  last 
point  were  not  ill-founded,  and  on  July  7th  Mrs 
Surratt,  Lewis  Powell,  David  Herold,  and  George 
Atzerodt  were  all  hanged.  If  the  spirit  of  Lincoln 
could  have  played  the  part  of  judge  in  their  trial  they 
would  no  doubt  have  been  granted  their  lives,  for 
he  was  the  last  man  to  blame  a  fellow-man,  and  even 
toward  a  criminal  he  was  full  of  mercy.  But  the 
murder  of  the  President — the  man  who  for  the  time 
being  plays  the  part  of  king — could  not  be  lightly 
passed  over,  and  nothing  less  than  the  execution  of 
the  chief  persons  in  the  plot  would  have  satisfied  the 
enraged  North  and  all  believers  in  strict  justice. 

Before  the  month  of  May  was  over  the  last 
remnants  of  the  rebelling  army  laid  down  their  arms 
and  peace  settled  upon  the  nation.  The  Northern 
army  had  consisted  of  not  less  than  a  million 
men,  but  after  a  great  review  at  Washington  the 
majority  of  the  soldiers  were  disbanded  and  returned 
home  to  take  up  the  work  which  they  had  given  up 
for  the  duties  of  a  soldier.  Among  them  were  not  a 
few  battered  figures,  alive  indeed,  but  cruelly  maimed 
for  the  battle  of  life.  Some  who  had  gone  out  with 
gay  bravery  were  no  longer  in  the  ranks.  They  lay 
buried  in  quiet  places,  but  their  memory  was  em- 
balmed in  the  nation,  and  in  spirit  they  still  marched 
with  the  troops.  Strings  of  roses,  paper  flowers, 
ribbons  and  banners  hailed  the  approach  of  the  great 

189 


Abraham  Lincoln 

army  on  its  progress  of  triumph.  Gay  voices  called 
a  welcome,  men  shouted  '  Hurrah,'  and  through 
their  tears  women  smiled.  It  was  a  sight  that  would 
have  delighted  Lincoln — the  sight  of  a  victorious 
army  about  to  lay  down  its  weapons ;  the  signal  of 
peace ;  the  triumph  of  liberty.  His  tall,  gaunt  form, 
carrying  a  lined  and  careworn  face,  with  the  sad, 
deep-set  eyes  that  seemed  for  ever  to  be  looking  upon 
something  afar,  was  not  to  be  found  towering  among 
the  crowd.  The  keenest  eye  could  not  see  him,  the 
quickest  ear  could  not  hear  his  voice  ;  but  in  spirit  he 
was  there,  and  the  radiance  of  his  personality,  which 
Time  can  never  destroy,  thrilled  through  the  crowd, 
and  with  sudden  insight  they  realized  how  much 
Lincoln  had  done.  By  his  genius  he  had  guided  the 
State  safely  through  the  terrible  calamity  of  civil 
war ;  he  had  dealt  with  the  slave  problem  wisely, 
and  he  had  given  the  slaves  freedom  when  the  time 
was  ripe ;  he  had  brought  peace  out  of  bitterness, 
unity  out  of  strife  ;  above  all,  he  had  preserved  the 
Union  and  made  America,  more  securely  than  ever, 
a  nation. 


190 


LIST   OF   PRESIDENTS   OF  THE  UNITED 
STATES  UP  TO  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

1789.  GEORGE  WASHINGTON       .        .        .  ist  President 

1797.  JOHN  ADAMS 2nd  President 

1 80 1.  THOMAS  JEFFERSON  ....  3rd  President 

1809.  JAMES  MADISON        ....  4th  President 

1817.  JAMES  MONROE        ....  5th  President 

1825.  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS       .         .         .  6th  President 

1829.  GENERAL  ANDREW  JACKSON      .        .  7th  President 

1837.  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN         .         .         .  8th  President 

1841.  GENERAL  W.  H.  HARRISON       .        .  gth  President 

1841.  JOHN  TYLER loth  President 

1845.  JAMES  KNOX  POLK  .        .        .        .nth  President 

1849.  GENERAL  ZACHARY  TAYLOR      .        .  i2th  President 

1850.  MILLARD  FILLMORE  ....  i3th  President 
1853.  GENERAL  FRANKLIN  PIERCE      .        .  i4th  President 
J857-  JAMES  BUCHANAN    ....  isth  President 
1861.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  ....  i6th  President 

The  President  of  the  United  States  holds  office  for  four  years. 
George  Washington,  Thomas  Jefferson,  James  Madison,  James 
Monroe,  General  Jackson,  and  Abraham  Lincoln  were  all  re-elected 
to  a  second  term  of  office.  General  Harrison  died  a  month  after 
election,  and  was  succeeded  by  the  Vice- President,  which  also 
happened  in  the  case  of  General  Taylor,  who  died  and  was  succeeded 
by  Millard  Fillmore. 


191 


METHOD  OF  GOVERNMENT  IN  THE 
UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 

U.S.A. 


Federal  Matters 

I 
PRESIDENT 


[Elected  every  fourth  year 
by  popular  vote.  He 
chooses  his  own  Cabinet. 
His  veto  on  any  measure 
can  be  set  aside  by  two- 
thirds  of  the  votes  of  the 
House  and  Senate.] 


VICE-PRESIDENT 


[Elected  every  fourth  year 
by  popular  vote.  Should 
the  President  fall  ill,  or 
die  during  office,  the 
Vice-President  takes  his 
place.] 


Local  Matters 


LEGISLATURE 

[Each  State  has  its  own 
Governor  and  Legisla- 
ture, by  which  it  deals 
with  its  local  affairs. 
Neither  the  President 
nor  the  members  of 
the  Cabinet  have  any 
share  in  legislative 
assemblies.] 


SENATE 


[Members  of  Senate,  two  from 
each  State,  are  elected  for  six 
years,  and  are  chosen  by  the 
vote  of  the  State  they  repre- 
sent.] 


HOUSE  OF 
REPRESENTATIVES 

[Members  are  elected 
for  two  years,  and 
are  chosen  by  the 
vote  of  the  State 


they  represent  Each  State  is  assigned  a  num- 
ber of  representatives  in  proportion  to  its 
population.  In  1910  there  were  391  members.] 


;  .      *• 


FRED  LOCKLEY 

RARE  WESTERN  BOOKS 

4227  S.  E.  Stark  St. 
PORTLAND.  ORE. 


